Opinion
Govt. must not lose its image
The nationalist identity of the SLFP/SLPP government is of vital importance for its political survival. Without its nationalist policies, it becomes another UNP/SJB and loses its vitality. This had happened under Chandrika Kumaratunga, particularly in her second term when she capitulated to the demands of the separatists and their Western supporters. As a result, she lost her popularity and charisma. It happened again when Maithripala Sirisena wanted to be the President and the SLFP lost its nationalist image, and was almost wiped out at the local elections and had to align with the SLPP for survival. A nationalist government cannot be sympathetic towards the LTTE or its allies.
A nationalist government’s main concern has to be the country’s independence and sovereignty, which we remember were in jeopardy during the Yahapalana days, when foreign powers were allowed to interfere in matters connected with our sovereignty, such as the constitution and security. This was one reason for the total rejection of the UNP, and the massive victory of the SLPP. Our independence and sovereignty have been better looked after by SLFP governments, and the trend has continued with the present SLPP government, which in its early days withdrew from the UNHRC Resolution and its dubious recommendations which were encroaching into our sovereignty. People would be grateful to the present government for that meritorious deed.
The ability to protect sovereignty and independence would, to a significant extent, depend on the economy of the country. If the economy is heavily dependent on the developed countries, we will be at their mercy. If we depend on imports for our essential needs such as food, clothes, medicine, etc,. we could easily be pressured to do their bidding. Further, if we are heavily in debt we would not be able to resist their interference in our internal affairs. In this context, it is essential that we develop a national economy. No national government could afford to neglect this aspect. A national economy must ensure that more than 80% of the country’s needs are produced locally. Most of the national governments in the past did not sufficiently focus their attention on this need and they paid the price.
Nationalism in relation to a government would mean that the government attempts to resolve every issue without jeopardising national interests. The present economic crisis, too, will have to be dealt with, without harming the national interests. In this regard, protection of national assets is critical. Land, water, forest and mineral resources are the main assets that have to be protected. These assets are likely to be exploited by imperialists with little benefit to us. The government must develop these assets for the benefit of the people.
The country’s economy at present, is in deep crisis, and the Government may easily be tempted to disregard its election manifesto and forget its inherited commitment to nationalism. It may be forced to take decisions that infringe on our sovereignty and independence, and enter into inimical agreements like the MCC and SOFA, which would convert our country into a foreign military base. Or agreements like the one on the Hambantota Port, which has leased that valuable national asset for a 99-year long period. Such treacherous betrayals should be avoided at any cost. We have a small island for a country and limited resources. We cannot afford to lose any of it. We must make use of this land and its resources for the benefit of our people, with utmost care and thrift. We must not allow foreign or local robber barons to exploit these assets. Already much damage has been done under the very nose of leaders who pledged during election times to protect them. And more is being planned if rumours about the natural forest Sinharaja, and Yala National Park are true. When there is a nationalist government in power even such rumours should not be allowed to be heard.
Cannot the government think of methods to come out of the present crisis without selling the family silver. One of the main problems it faces, at present, is the dwindling of foreign reserves that are required to meet the huge debt repayments. There is no point saying these debts should not have been taken. Some of it has gone into unprofitable ventures like Mattala Airport, Hambantota Stadium, etc. During the Yahapalana rule too, there had been huge amounts of debt with nothing to show for it. If bribery and corruption had been controlled, the work done with these loans could have been done for half the cost. The people expected this government to take adequate steps to stop corruption, which also is a task for a nationalist government. But the government has disappointed the people in this regard. At least now it must take immediate steps to control corruption and waste that abound in government projects. Such a step would cut down costs and save money that is badly required to pay debts.
Foreign exchange too could be saved to some degree by controlling the corruption and waste that plague the government. Instead of taking steps to control corruption, what successive governments have been doing is to take loans for various projects, much in excess of the cost of the project, and line their pockets with the extra cash. A nationalist government cannot afford to do that kind of anti-people evil deeds. More than 70% who voted for this government, are rural poor people. They have two main concerns, one is the safety and security of their little country, and the other is an adequate income necessary for their frugal living. Both could be in jeopardy if corruption and waste is not brought under control.
Much needed foreign exchange could be saved if the government could make an effort to produce essential items locally. More than 40% of foreign exchange goes for import of food and other items that could be locally produced. Government must make an effort to achieve self-sufficiency in food. A sudden ban on artificial fertiliser is not the way to go about it. This decision could have an adverse effect on food production and also the tea industry. This could increase the need to import food to a much larger degree than at present. A lowering of income from tea exports is something the country cannot afford at present. As a result, a huge drain on the foreign exchange earnings could be expected.
If our economy suffers further and the ability to pay the loans weakens, the Government would be hard pressed to safeguard the country’s national interests. This would result in the Government losing its nationalist image. Consequently, the SLPP could suffer its first defeat at the next elections. If this catastrophe is to be avoided, the Government must first and foremost enforce a well-designed plan to stop waste and corruption at all levels from top to bottom. It must have a plan to achieve self-sufficiency in food and all other essential items. Import of luxury items must be controlled. and the drain of foreign exchange stopped as far as possible. Covid infection should be brought under control by a process of rapid vaccination to achieve herd immunity. Then an all-out effort has to be made to improve the foreign exchange earning capacity by resuscitating the tourist and apparel industries. Unless the Government adopts such a plan of action, its nationalism would be threatened as it becomes increasingly dependent on imperialist foreign powers. These forces may once again sponsor the separatists, interfere in our internal affairs, and exploit our national assets. That would be a disaster for the country and its people.
N.A. de S.
AMARATUNGA
Opinion
Panadura debate: special exhibition most welcome
The special exhibition displaying original manuscripts relating to the Panadura Debate at Rankoth Vihara is welcome and, as Nishantha Peiris mentions (News, 30 Aug), the debate gained international interest following the publication of a book containing the speeches made in the debate. The credit for this must be given to John Capper, the then editor of the Ceylon Times. He published an account of each day’s proceedings in his paper and the full text of the speeches in a book entitled ‘Full Account of the Buddhist Controversy Held at Pantura in August 1873.
The preface of the book stated: ‘In the belief that an authentic account of the Controversy which took place at Pantura in August last, between a Buddhist Priest and two Ministers of the Protestant religion, will be read with interest by a large number of persons here and in Europe. I have produced the proceedings in the present form. The report has been revised by the respective disputants, so that it may be taken as a correct account of what passed’.
Capper’s book was picked up by J M Peebles who was in India, who then published an extended version in the United States. If an original copy of Capper’s book is available in Sri Lanka, it should be exhibited in the Rankoth exhibition.
Yours faithfully,
Dr R P Fernando,
19 Danetree Close,
Epsom UK
Opinion
In Memory of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda
It is with a deep sense of sadness that I record the passing of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda, who died on 27 August 2026 at the age of 94. To many, he was a distinguished scientist, accomplished administrator, diplomat and public intellectual. To me, he was much more than that.
Dr Pethiyagoda was a proud product of Trinity College, Kandy. At a time when a first class in Botany was a rarity, he obtained one and subsequently pursued postgraduate studies in London. His scientific career reflected not only his knowledge but, more importantly, an enquiring and restless mind that was never satisfied with simply accepting what was known.
In the 1970s, he headed the Plant Physiology Department of the Tea Research Institute of Sri Lanka. He was part of a formidable team of scientists that included Drs R L de Silva, R L Wickramasinghe, P Sivapalan, Tilak Wettasinghe and W Danthanarayana. They were scientists who contributed enormously to the development of the tea industry in Sri Lanka, and Dr Pethiyagoda stood comfortably among them.
In 1978, he moved to the Coconut Research Institute as its Director. It was there that I had the privilege of working with him. Those years left a lasting impression on me.
Dr Pethiyagoda was, in every sense, a complete scientist. Although his formal specialisation was plant physiology, he was remarkably comfortable discussing almost anything scientific. What distinguished him was his curiosity. He questioned the science behind the ordinary things that most of us simply accepted. I remember his asking questions such as, why is an orange green in Sri Lanka? It was typical of him: an apparently simple observation would lead him to ask what lay behind it.
That curiosity never left him.
After his tenure at the CRI, he undertook an FAO assignment in the Middle East, working on the improvement of date palms. There he was exposed to agriculture under conditions of severe water scarcity. He pursued this further during a visit to Israel, learning about agronomic practices suited to such environments. Later, when he worked with the Mahaweli Authority, he was able to translate that knowledge into practice, introducing high-value horticultural crops to Systems B and C.
What impressed me was not merely that he acquired knowledge, but that he connected knowledge from one context to another and turned it into practical solutions. His enquiring mind and analytical ability enabled him to do this with remarkable effectiveness.
He was equally impressive as a communicator. Dr Pethiyagoda was an eloquent speaker, whether he was talking about science, agriculture, public policy or the everyday affairs of our country. His speeches were often laced with wit, humour and the occasional tongue-in-cheek remark. But beneath the humour was a very serious mind. He was forthright in his opinions and, importantly, he was not afraid to express them, whatever the possible repercussions.
His contributions to the media demonstrated this courage.
Writing about the travel to London by a former President, he observed:
“Where a person enjoys immunity by virtue of his position, this carries a reciprocal obligation to exercise an abundance of exemplary behaviour. In effect, immunity is best exercised, when the need to invoke it, is never allowed to arise.”
[Immunity Does Not Confer Impunity – Colombo Telegraph]
That was quintessential Pethiyagoda—precise, pointed and impossible to misunderstand.
He was equally outspoken about the government’s decision to ban inorganic fertiliser with ‘immediate effect’. He was deeply distressed by what he believed would be the consequences for farmers, particularly the poorer farming community. He would speak about it almost every day, driven not by political considerations but by his conviction that science and evidence had been disregarded.
In one of his writings on the subject, he remarked:
“What the ‘Vipathmaga’ caper taught us was that advice of sundry ‘Experts’ can be disastrous. Professors of Surgery, clergymen and Pediatricians are not the best equipped to advise on fertilisers, as much as a Soil Scientist should not prescribe treatment for a sick child.’ [Some Lessons That Can Be Learned Even From Disasters – Colombo Telegraph]
And in another article, his frustration was summed up in the memorable words:
“Stupidity, like History, has a way of repeating itself.”
[Unscrambling eggs – Colombo Telegraph]
These were not simply provocative statements. They reflected a scientist who believed deeply that public decisions, particularly those affecting agriculture and the livelihoods of farmers, should be based on evidence and sound scientific advice.
Perhaps, what I will remember most about Dr Pethiyagoda is that his curiosity survived almost to the very end of his life.
Very recently, he was still asking questions and pursuing ideas. He was interested in the possible genetic differences between the waraka and wela varieties of jak, because he wondered whether the wela variety might have commercial potential for cellulose extraction. He was disappointed that he could not find relevant scientific literature in Sri Lanka. More than the particular subject, what struck me was that at 94 he was still thinking about a scientific question, looking for evidence and wondering whether an apparently ordinary resource could have an important national application. He lamented the lack of interest among scientists and academics in such questions of national importance. That concern, too, was very much part of who he was.
Dr Pethiyagoda also served as President of the National Academy of Sciences, Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, he was unable to complete his term because he was appointed Ambassador to Italy, with representation at the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome. Even in that role, he remained very much the scientist. I understand that he made a significant contribution to FAO discussions. As Ambassador, he also had the unenviable task of entertaining Sri Lankan Ministers of Agriculture who attended FAO sessions. I know from my own conversations with him that those informal dinners were not merely social occasions. He would discuss agricultural issues with the Ministers, and I have little doubt that his views—and the force with which he expressed them—sometimes influenced their thinking.
Looking back, what I admired most about Dr Pethiyagoda was not any particular position he held or any particular achievement. It was the way he thought.
He questioned.
He analysed.
He connected ideas.
He challenged conventional wisdom.
And he was willing to say what he believed to be true.
He also demonstrated that science should not remain confined to laboratories, research papers or academic institutions. For him, science was a way of looking at the world and, ultimately, a means of improving the lives of people.
It is perhaps ironic that, only a few months ago, he wrote about “The Cost of Dying”, as distinct from the “Cost of Living”. In that article, he reflected on the manner in which our mortal remains should be disposed of, observing: “I am in two minds regarding the manner in which the mortal remains are disposed of, ‘according to the will of the deceased’. But with the cessation of the breath, ownership or tenancy ceases.” Even in contemplating death, he brought his characteristic questioning mind to the subject. What particularly caught my attention, however, was his explanation of the Buddhist practice of holding dânes (almsgivings) for monks of the local temple in the seventh day and third month following a death. I had never really thought about the significance of this practice before. That, too, was typical of Dr Pethiyagoda: he could take something that we had accepted as ordinary and familiar and make us stop, think and see it differently.
His passing has created a colossal vacuum in Sri Lanka’s scientific community. People of his intellectual breadth, curiosity, courage and independence are rare. We may not always have agreed with everything he said, but we could never doubt that he had thought deeply about it and that he had the courage of his convictions.
For those of us who had the privilege of knowing him, there is sadness in his passing. But there is also gratitude—for having known such an extraordinary mind, for having learnt from him, and for having witnessed at close quarters his unwavering commitment to science and to the development of our country.
I shall remember Dr Pethiyagoda with great affection and immense respect.
Ranjith Mahindapala
Past President, National Academy of Sciences of Sri Lanka.
Opinion
A neighbour’s view of India’s strategic strengths
What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase
by Milinda Moragoda
In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.
As India marks eight decades of Independence, its strategic position has changed almost beyond recognition. Yet the central question of strategic autonomy remains. What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase.
India has spent the past decade expanding its strategic choices — deepening ties with the US, Europe and Japan while maintaining important ties with Russia and strengthening engagement with the Gulf, Africa and Southeast Asia. Australia and New Zealand are also becoming increasingly important partners in the wider Indo-Pacific. At the same time, India has sought a larger voice for the developing world in international institutions. Strategic autonomy has traditionally been understood in diplomatic terms: the ability to maintain freedom of action without being drawn into competing power blocs. In an increasingly interconnected world, however, that freedom will depend just as much on economic choices.
The objective should be strategic interdependence — building sufficiently diverse relationships that dependence on any one country or economic system does not become a vulnerability. India is unusually well placed to pursue this. Its geography connects the Gulf and wider West Asia, the manufacturing economies of Asia, Africa across the Indian Ocean and the Eurasian space extending through Russia. The opportunity, therefore, is to become a connector between economies increasingly fragmented by geopolitical competition.
India’s relationship with Japan is extending into advanced manufacturing, technology, energy, semiconductors and critical minerals. Its engagement with the US is deepening across technology, investment, advanced manufacturing, energy and strategic cooperation, while its engagement with Europe is becoming increasingly economic and technological. Its relationships with the Gulf are expanding beyond energy into investment and connectivity. Australia and New Zealand add an important southern dimension to its wider Indo-Pacific engagement, while Southeast Asia provides pathways into wider Asian production networks.
Russia remains an important part of this equation. India’s continuing engagement with Moscow, alongside its deepening relationships with Washington, Tokyo, Europe and the Gulf, demonstrates that strategic autonomy gives India the flexibility to maintain important relationships across geopolitical divides.
China inevitably occupies a special place in this landscape. India’s answer cannot be either excessive dependence or complete separation. It will require strengthening domestic capabilities, diversifying supply chains and building partnerships elsewhere, while retaining space for engagement where interests permit.
India possesses another asset that few countries can match: a large, globally active and influential diaspora. Yet the diaspora can also present challenges, as political currents within these communities do not always align with India’s interests and can occasionally create sensitivities in its relations with host countries. The greater opportunity lies in nurturing the economic, intellectual and cultural connections the diaspora can create, while respecting its diversity and independence. In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.
Ports, shipping routes, energy corridors, digital infrastructure, supply chains and trade agreements increasingly shape strategic influence. India’s challenge is to bring these strands together without turning them into a closed sphere of influence.
India’s economic rise will be more sustainable if other countries see themselves as participants in its growth rather than simply as markets for it. The value for India lies in making these relationships complementary rather than choosing among them. India’s leadership of the Global South can now move beyond representation in international forums towards creating an international economic environment in which developing countries have greater choices. India’s own experience is relevant here. It has moved from a relatively closed economic model towards deeper global integration while retaining a strong emphasis on domestic capability. The lesson is that openness and strategic autonomy need not be contradictory.
As the G20 meets again in Miami in December, India can continue to argue that the Global South should not merely seek greater representation within existing institutions, but a greater stake in shaping the economic networks and institutions of the future. An economically integrated Indian Ocean could allow countries such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and the Maldives to participate more deeply in regional supply chains, logistics, energy, tourism, technology and services. Influence based on shared prosperity is more durable influence based on dependence. India’s strategic opportunity, therefore, lies in becoming one of the principal connectors of a changing world.
(Milinda Moragoda is founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, strategic affairs think tank, and can be contacted via email @milinda.org.)
Courtesy Hindustan Times
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