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Geneva urged not to accept GoSL excuses based on current economic difficulties

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The UK based Global Tamil Forum (GTF) has called, for what it says is a well-targeted UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka at the forthcoming Geneva sessions. The grouping stressed that the incumbent government shouldn’t be allowed to justify its failure to address the grievances of the Tamil-speaking community, on the basis of the current economic difficulties.

The following is the text of the statement issued by the GTF: ” The GTF welcomes the delisting of various Tamil diaspora organisations, and individuals, as an important step towards achieving improved ethnic relations and economic outcomes in Sri Lanka. However, it is disappointing that many Tamil and Muslim organisations, and individuals, are still on the updated list, gazetted on August 1, 2022. GTF calls on the Sri Lankan government to discontinue this shambolic process of listing and delisting entities to suit the political agenda of the time.

The entire process of publishing a list of designated entities and individuals, by the Sri Lankan government, is arbitrary, irrational, and an outright abuse of the United Nations Regulation (Regulation 4(7) of the UN Regulations No. 1 of 2012). From 2014, it was misused by the government to suppress freedom of speech and dissent and intimidate human rights defenders – not just within Sri Lanka but also overseas.

This is best illustrated with GTF – an organisation formed after the end of war, in 2009, to play a constructive role in promoting peace, justice, equality, and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. While promoting wartime accountability, including at the UNHRC, GTF has maintained high level engagement with all stakeholders in Sri Lanka, including politicians, civil society activists and media personnel, with the intention of working towards a durable political solution acceptable to all communities. GTF was also involved in targeted activities related to rehabilitation, medical emergencies and development initiatives in many regions and communities across Sri Lanka.

Despite its notable openness, transparency, and international recognition, and remaining unchanged in its philosophy and approach, GTF found itself in and out of the ‘list’ twice – listed in 2014, delisted in 2015, re-listed in 2021 and delisted in 2022.

GTF is grateful that the international community, and many Sri Lankan stakeholders (including the media), ignored this listing for what it truly is. In fact, our diplomatic engagements, including the crucial meetings in the US in November 2021 and March 2022, also meeting with the Minister of State for the Commonwealth and United Nations, and South Asia at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) and various other important engagements, including the United Nations (UN), were not affected by the listing, but the ban’s impact on reconciliation, rehabilitation and economic progress in Sri Lanka was significant.

There is no doubt the timing of the recent delisting is to bolster Sri Lanka’s credentials as its human rights record is about to be reviewed at the UNHRC next month for the eighth time since the war ended in 2009. This action only confirms the time-tested pattern of Sri Lanka doing the bare minimum just in time for the next UNHRC session – and presents an eloquent argument for increased international scrutiny over Sri Lanka’s human rights and governance record.

The UNHRC session of September 2022 is hugely important for the Tamil people and indeed for the entire country to move forward. Sri Lanka’s record on implementing the key aspects of the UNHRC resolutions since 2012 (the last one passed in March 2021) is truly appalling. Despite few token initiatives, such as the establishment of the Office of the Missing Persons and the Office for Reparations, the country is yet to make any meaningful progress that would provide effective relief, justice, and closure for those directly impacted by the war. Further, some of the high-handed measures being taken against the protesters who agitated for progressive changes are deeply concerning. All of these call for increased international oversight of the human rights situation in Sri Lanka.

The nascent transformation Sri Lanka presently undergoing is significant. The successful protests that deposed Gotabaya Rajapaka’s is presidency has created an environment where an unaccountable government will be under increased scrutiny. In addition to wartime accountability, legal, financial, and other governance accountabilities are also under intense focus. This emerging trend needs to be conscientiously promoted by the international community, which is possible only with the adoption of a well-targeted UNHRC resolution. The new resolution needs to build on the key aspects of the March 2021 UNHRC resolution (A/HRC/RES/46/1) which empowered the High Commissioner’s Office to further advance wartime accountability.

Any argument Sri Lanka may put forward leveraging its economic difficulties for lowering the international scrutiny of its human rights record – as attempted by Sri Lanka during the UNHRC session in March 2022 – has no legal, moral, or political basis. The struggle for justice, rule of law, human rights and accountability could be strengthened by the UNHRC taking a principled stance at the Council’s upcoming 51st Session.”



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New prison regulations for monks serving jail terms soon: President’s Office

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President

The Presidential Secretariat (PS) yesterday said that prison regulations concerning Buddhist monks serving prison sentences were expected to be adopted within the next two weeks.

The PS said: “Once they come into effect, arrangements will be made for Buddhist monks to be taken outside prison in their robes, based on the recommendation of the relevant Nikaya or chapter.”

The process to amend prison regulations was initiated on 08 October following discussions between President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the Maha Sangha. The President called the meeting amidst controversy over producing General Secretary of Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) Ven. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara in civilian attire in court.

A special five-member Committee was in the process of studying the current regulations and standing orders under the Prisons Ordinance, the PS said.

The Committee is chaired by Prince Senadheera, Secretary to the Ministry of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs. Its other members are Piyumanthi Peiris, Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Justice, Wasantha Ariyaratne, Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration, R. M. G. Senaratne, Commissioner-General of Buddhist Affairs, and A.C. Gajanayake, Commissioner-General of Prisons.

The first meeting of the special Committee was held at the Presidential Secretariat on the 9th, chaired by Prince Senadheera. Attorney-at-Law Harshana Nanayakkara, Minister of Justice and National Integration, provided the necessary policy guidance for the Committee’s work.

The proposals concerning Buddhist monks would be presented to the Maha Sangha by the middle of next week to obtain their views and recommendations before their implementation, PS stated.

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CP alleges NPP has taken the blame for illegal US sanctions on Iranian vessels

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Dr. G. Weerasinghe

The Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) has alleged that the ruling UNP, in a ridiculous bid to whitewash illegal US sanctions on Iranian oil carriers stranded off Sri Lanka, has taken on itself the blame for refusing to supply humanitarian aid to the trapped crews of the oil tankers.

The text of the statement issued by Dr. G. Weerasinghe,

General Secretary, CPSL: “The Communist Party of Sri Lanka condemns the attempts by the USA to prevent essential supplies of food and water to the 19-20 Iranian oil tankers stranded off the coast, which are running short of food, fuel, and fresh water. It urges the Government of Sri Lanka to face up to the criminal actions of the US Government and do its duty under international humanitarian law.

On 30 September 2026, the Wall Street Journal reported that US officials had threatened Sri Lanka with sanctions if it continued supplying the tankers. These tankers (stranded about 24 km off Sri Lanka, within the Exclusive Economic Zone) which already discharged their cargoes, are empty and unable to return to Iran owing to the illegal war being waged against that country by the USA and Israel.

In response to this report, on 4 October, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath denied that Washington put pressure on the Government of Sri Lanka which, he claimed, always abides by international maritime law. However, he clarified that the Government would enforce US sanctions.

A US Embassy spokesman had earlier stated that Washington is working with allies to cut off “illicit Iranian revenue,” warning that supplying fuel, food, or provisions to sanctioned vessels could expose companies and individuals to US sanctions, including civil or criminal penalties.

Furthermore, from 9-11 September, the US Embassy in Colombo carried out a three-day maritime sanctions compliance workshop. Officers of the Sri Lanka Navy and Coastguard, as well as officials of the Ministry of Defence, Central Bank, Ports Authority and Merchant Shipping Secretariat, participated in this workshop. The officials were warned that any services (including fuel, food, or water) rendered to US-sanctioned vessels, such as the Iranian-linked tankers stranded off Sri Lanka’s coast, could expose companies and individuals to secondary sanctions, civil penalties, or criminal liability.

In fact, it is actions of the USA which are illicit. The US-imposed unilateral and secondary sanctions violate international law, sovereign equality, and the principle of non-intervention. Furthermore, the unprovoked US-Israeli aggression against Iran itself, which had shown no belligerent intent, is illegal in international law. Participation of government officers in the workshop itself is controversial.

According to unofficial reports, Sri Lanka’s national security establishment objected to the demands made by US officials and urged the government to lodge a protest with Washington, pointing out that under UNCLOS Article 98, SOLAS 1974, and the SAR Convention 1979, Sri Lanka is obligated to assist the crews.

However, the response of the National People’s Power (NPP) regime has been to attempt to whitewash the illegal actions of the USA and to take on itself the blame for refusing to supply humanitarian aid to the trapped crews of the oil tankers.

The pusillanimous behaviour of the NPP regime rips aside any pretence that it is in any way progressive or patriotic. Together with its major constituent, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), it stands exposed as the handmaiden of US President Donald Trump’s reckless, warlike and imperialist foreign policy establishment. It begs the question whether the Government has signed secret war-related deals with the USA and thereby ditched Sri Lanka’s 70-year history of non-alignment.

The Communist Party of Sri Lanka, therefore, condemns these illegal attempts by the USA to prevent Sri Lanka from carrying out its humanitarian duty. It calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka to abide by international humanitarian law, work-out suitable strategies and to supply the stranded crews with essential supplies, including food and water. It also calls upon the Government to reveal any secret deals it has entered with the USA.”

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Ex-Tiger witness claims Ekneligoda proposed to fire missile at MR’s plane

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An ex-LTTE cadre Sumathipala Suresh Kumar, alias Thavendran ‘Murali’, has told a three-member bench of the Colombo High Court, hearing the disappearance of media personality Prageeth Ekneligoda, that during the war they discussed plans to assassinate President Mahinda Rajapaksa and a group of government people. The alleged meeting took place in Habarana.

The bench consisted of A.G.U.S. N. K. Seneviratne (Chairperson), Dr. Nalin Hewawasam and Lakmali Hewawasam.Kumar said so giving evidence as the fourth witness on behalf of first, second and sixth accused in this case.

Ekneligoda disappeared on the eve of 2010 January 26 presidential election.

Kumar told court that Ekneligoda proposed to fire a missile at an aircraft carrying President Rajapaksa and other top people. There had been another person, identified as Nadan, there.

Asked by the prosecution whether he served as a leader of LTTE intelligence at the time he met Ekneligoda, Kumar said that he was a prisoner at that time. The witness claimed that he had gone with the Army and it was his first visit to that place where the meeting took place.

When the prosecution proposed that what he said was not true, Kumar denied that.

The nine accused are Army officers and men, including Lieutenant Colonel Shammi Arjun Kumararatne. The others are R.M.P.K. Rajapaksa alias Nathan, W.V. Priyantha Dilanjan Upasena alias Suresh, Seneviratne Mudiyanselage Ravindra Rupasena alias Ranji, Yapa Mudiyanselage Chaminda Kumara Abeyratne, Seneviratne Mudiyanselage Kanishka Gunaratne, Aiyasami Balasubramaniyam, Dangaha Gamaralage Tharanga Prasad Gamage and T.E.R. Peiris.

The fourth witness surrendered to the Army in May 2009 and during investigations it transpired that he was used by Military Intelligence to contact Ekneligoda in a bid to ascertain his intention during the presidential polls campaign.

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