Features
Esmond Wickremesinghe and a trip to China as Beijing sought ties with JRJ regime
Excerpted from Volume two of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography
Another key figure in the JRJ regime was Esmond Wickremesinghe who has been portrayed in the media as the shadowy figure behind the UNP. From 1977 to the day in 1985 when his life was cut short in a hospital in Houston USA, he became a very close professional and personal friend of mine. In fact he spent the last few days on route to Houston in my home in Paris. Nobody imagined when a few of us said goodbye to him at the Charles de Gaulle airport in Paris that we would never see him again. He was a ‘bon vivant’ and a dear friend.
Esmond played a crucial role in the politics of his time because he managed Lake House, the main newspaper group in the country. Lake House was the chief opinion maker of the time and therefore one of the most powerful institutions that was wooed by all sections of the community, in particular the politicians. Esmond was the son in law of the founder Chairman of Lake House, D.R. Wijewardene. He was married to Nalini, the eldest daughter of DR. It is also relevant to note here that JRJ’s mother was the elder sister of DR. Though there were occasional misunderstandings in the big Wijewardene family, Esmond and JRJ had become close friends, particularly after .the exit from politics of Sir. John Kotelawala.
Sir. John looked on Esmond as his foreign policy advisor and since both were great globe trotters and men of the world, they were considered as inseparable in the time of the Kotelawala premiership. For instance, it was Esmond who was sent as Kotelawala’s special envoy to Cambodia, Vietnam and Thailand to promote the Bandung Conference.In a brief life sketch written by Esmond, a copy of which he gave me, there is an interesting reference to these high level meetings. Says Esmond, “The first visit to these countries were on a letter signed by Sir John himself, much to Sir Oliver’s subsequent horror who said that only the Queen could appoint personal envoys of a Prime Minister and Ambassadors.
“Anyway King Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, President Diem of South Vietnam and Marshall Pibul Songgram of Thailand had discussions with me on behalf of Sir John about the forthcoming Bandung Conference.” He was by Sir John’s side when our Premier nearly wrecked the Bandung meeting. This is Esmond’s eye witness account of what happened on that day:
“Immediately after Sir John’s speech on colonialism, Nehru came up to Sir John to upbraid him. Sir John gave a sharp retort and a crushing insult to Krishna Menon who poked his mouth in and Krishna Menon ran away. Nehru thereafter in a polite tone asked him, “Sir John why did you speak of the forms of colonialism except western colonialism?” Sir John replied, “How do you and I know of the future? There may arise a new colonialism among us. For instance what if India invades Ceylon?”
Nehru immediately interrupted Sir John to say, “You know Sir John I will never let it happen”. Sir John replied, “Yes, Nehru. Under you I am confident India will never invade. But after you and I are dead and gone?”
Sir. John’s speech was crafted by Esmond who was a lawyer as well as a student of contemporary law and politics under the famous Professor Raymond Aron at the Sorbonne. According to Esmond, “Prime Minister DS Senanayake forced me from the law onto the job of becoming the Head of Lake House as my father in law DR Wijewardene was slowly dying”.
Like Raymond Aron who was a Communist who later renounced his creed, Esmond who started out as a Samasamajist later became an ideologue of the rightist UNP. There is a story from his LSSP days that when Esmond told Philip Gunawardena that he wanted to write for the party, the irascible Philip had replied, “Certainly. You can write a cheque”.
But even in the later days of political antagonism he maintained good relations with left leaders, particularly Bernard Soysa. Esmond contributed regularly to Bernard’s campaign funds. He always knew that he was only a stand-in for Ranjit Wijewardene who would eventually take over the reins of his father’s enterprise. But he modernized the management of Lake House and made It the home of outstanding journalists many of whom left after 1956.
By 1977 he had relinquished his control of Lake House but had invested in a hotel in Mount Lavinia where he spent most of the day. He also set up a small news agency which helped him to keep in touch with his newspaper friends abroad. As the winner of the ‘Golden Pen’ award he was invited to many international functions. He loved traveling abroad and would meticulously plan his visits.
After 1977 he became an unofficial advisor to our ministry and was welcomed by successive media ministers who were over awed by his reputation and proximity to the President. Later in this book I will describe how we worked closely with him and Sri Lanka became a country to be reckoned with in the global debate on the new Information and Communication order which was coming to the fore as a priority consideration of the developing countries.
This debate took Esmond and me to many global meetings organized by UNESCO and ultimately took me to Paris for a duration of close on five years, to head the now organization of the UN called The International Program for the Development of Communication [IPDC]. He was a veritable storehouse of inside information about the politics and personal affairs of the elite of the country.
Thanks to Mrs. Robert Senanayake’s hold over Dudley, Esmond was identified as JRJ’s ’eminence grise’ and advocate of JRJs interests so much so that Dudley had not been even on talking terms with him. On our many travels he would recount such stories which held me spellbound. Thus with my close relations with two of the country’s classic ‘Insiders’ -Esmond and Anandatissa de Alwis, and with plenty of time for chats with both of them here and abroad, I became privy to the ‘really real’ manner in which, the modern Sri Lankan state was managed since Independence by our leaders of different persuasions.
Esmond’s importance in the fields of diplomacy and media were recognized by the Chinese Government that was now scrambling to establish new links with the JRJ regime. It had had excellent relations with Mrs. B and her Government. All the leaders of China, especially Chou en Lai, had supported Sri Lanka to the hilt after the JVP uprising of 1971. JRJs sympathies lay elsewhere and now it became necessary for China to establish new linkages with the incoming Sri Lankan government. On the other hand China too was just emerging from its disastrous `Cultural Revolution’ that had decimated the party and dragged down economic growth. Their solution in respect of the new JRJ regime was to invite a high powered delegation of media moguls from Sri Lanka to visit China.
The visitors could see that China had recovered from the madness of the cultural revolution and were now ready to do business with the JRJ regime. The proposed leader of the delegation was Esmond Wickremesinghe, testifying to China’s estimation of him as a power behind the scenes. Besides Esmond, the delegation included W.J. Fernando [Davasa group], Wenceslaus [Virakesari], Manikkaaratchi [Lake House], Eamon Kariyakarawana [SLBC] and me.
In two weeks we were to tour many parts of China including Beijing, the Great Wall, Shanghai, Hangzou, Guangdong and Hong Kong [which at that time was a British Protectorate]. As if to emphasize the importance of the delegation the Chinese Ambassador invited us to a dinner at his residence. Recalling his earlier days of diplomacy Esmond and his wife Nalini hosted a return dinner for the Chinese Ambassador and our delegation at their home in Fifth Lane, Kollupitiya. Hameed and Ranil Wickremesinghe were also present.
In an article I wrote sometime later I recalled our first visit to China via Karachi and over the Himalayas to Beijing. Even as late as 1978 there were no direct flights to China from Singapore or Hongkong. So we had to go via Karachi taking the ‘Himalayan route’ which only a few years previously Henry Kissinger had used in his shuttle diplomacy.
At our first stop in Karachi, while our fellow delegates rested, Esmond and I were invited to lunch at the Karachi Boat Club by the owners of ‘Dawn’ – the major newspaper in Pakistan. ‘They were old friends of Esmond from the IPI days and soon they were regaling us with inside stories of the then powerful Zulfiqar Bhutto regime.
It was clear that Bhutto was unpopular with the Pakistani ‘upper crust’ who congregated at the once elegant Boat Club which was now slowly going to seed. The most spiteful were the heavily made up old Pakistani ‘Grand Dames’ who, pulling on their cigarettes in long ivory holders, were full of invective at Bhutto’s attempts ‘to take over our lands’. After a briefing by Dawn staffers on the latest developments in Beijing, we drove to the airport to catch a Chinese government plane to the Chinese capital.
The flight took us over the Himalayas and as the not very comfortable plane droned over the snow-capped peaks we could look down on parts of the autonomous region of Tibet. We were flying over the ‘roof of the world’. Esmond surrounded by his numerous travel bags, notebooks and sweaters offered us generous tots of whisky. We landed in Beijing around midday and were greeted by a bevy of schoolgirls who presented us with bouquets of paper flowers. From there we were driven to the famous Peking Duck restaurant for lunch [Sunday Island 16 June 1991].
(To be continued next week)
Features
Neutrality in the context of geopolitical rivalries
The long standing foreign policy of Sri Lanka was Non-Alignment. However, in the context of emerging geopolitical rivalries, there was a need to question the adequacy of Non-Alignment as a policy to meet developing challenges. Neutrality as being a more effective Policy was first presented in an article titled “Independence: its meaning and a direction for the future” (The Island, February 14, 2019). The switch over from Non-Alignment to Neutrality was first adopted by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and followed through by successive Governments. However, it was the current Government that did not miss an opportunity to announce that its Foreign Policy was Neutral.
The policy of Neutrality has served the interests of Sri Lanka by the principled stand taken in respect of the requests made by two belligerents associated with the Middle East War. The justification for the position adopted was conveyed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Parliament that Iran had made a formal request on February 26 for three Iranian naval ships to visit Sri Lanka, and on the same evening, the United States also requested permission for two war planes to land at Mattala International Airport. Both requests were denied on grounds of maintaining “our policy of neutrality”.
WHY NEUTRALITY
Excerpts from the article cited above that recommended Neutrality as the best option for Sri Lanka considering the vulnerability to its security presented by its geographic location in the context of emerging rivalries arising from “Pivot to Asia” are presented below:
“Traditional thinking as to how small States could cope with external pressures are supposed to be: (1) Non-alignment with any of the major centers of power; (2) Alignment with one of the major powers thus making a choice and facing the consequences of which power block prevails; (3) Bandwagoning which involves unequal exchange where the small State makes asymmetric concessions to the dominant power and accepts a subordinate role of a vassal State; (4) Hedging, which attempts to secure economic and security benefits of engagement with each power center: (5) Balancing pressures individually, or by forming alliances with other small States; (6) Neutrality”.
Of the six strategies cited above, the only strategy that permits a sovereign independent nation to charter its own destiny is neutrality, as it is with Switzerland and some Nordic countries. The independence to self-determine the destiny of a nation requires security in respect of Inviolability of Territory, Food Security, Energy Security etc. Of these, the most critical of securities is the Inviolability of Territory. Consequently, Neutrality has more relevance to protect Territorial Security because it is based on International Law, as opposed to Non-Alignment which is based on principles applicable to specific countries that pledged to abide by them
“The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977” (ICRC Publication on Neutrality, 2022).
As part of its Duties a Neutral State “must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral State defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral State must treat the opposing belligerent States impartially. However, impartiality does not mean that a State is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination” (Ibid).
“It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral State is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality” (Ibid).
THE POTENTIAL of NEUTRALITY
It is apparent from the foregoing that Neutrality as a Policy is not “Passive” as some misguided claim Neutrality to be. On the other hand, it could be dynamic to the extent a country chooses to be as demonstrated by the actions taken recently to address the challenges presented during the ongoing Middle East War. Furthermore, Neutrality does not prevent Sri Lanka from engaging in Commercial activities with other States to ensuring Food and Energy security.
If such arrangements are undertaken on the basis of unsolicited offers as it was, for instance, with Japan’s Light Rail Project or Sinopec’s 200,000 Barrels a Day Refinery, principles of Neutrality would be violated because it violates the cardinal principle of Neutrality, namely, impartiality. The proposal to set up an Energy Complex in Trincomalee with India and UAE would be no different because it restricts the opportunity to one defined Party, thus defying impartiality. On the other hand, if Sri Lanka defines the scope of the Project and calls for Expressions of Interest and impartially chooses the most favourable with transparency, principles of Neutrality would be intact. More importantly, such conduct would attract the confidence of Investors to engage in ventures impartial in a principled manner. Such an approach would amount to continue the momentum of the professional approach adopted to meet the challenges of the Middle East War.
CONCLUSION
The manner in which Sri Lanka acted, first to deny access to the territory of Sri Lanka followed up by the humanitarian measures adopted to save the survivors of the torpedoed ship, earned honour and respect for the principled approach adopted to protect territorial inviolability based on International provisions of Neutrality.
If Sri Lanka continues with the momentum gained and adopts impartial and principled measures recommended above to develop the country and the wellbeing of its Peoples, based on self-reliance, this Government would be giving Sri Lanka a new direction and a fresh meaning to Neutrality that is not passive but dynamic.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Lest we forget
The interference into affairs of other nations by the USA’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started in 1953, six years after it was established. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company supplied Britain with most of its oil during World War I. In fact, Winston Churchill once declared: “Fortune brought us a prize from fairyland beyond our wildest dreams.”
When in 1951 Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh was reluctantly appointed as Prime Minister by the Shah of Iran, whose role was mostly ceremonial, he convinced Parliament that the oil company should be nationalised.
Mohammed Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh said: “Our long years of negotiations with foreign companies have yielded no result thus far. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget and combat poverty, disease and backwardness of our people.”
It was then that British Intelligence requested help from the CIA to bring down the Iranian regime by infiltrating their communist mobs and the army, thus creating disorder. An Iranian oil embargo by the western countries was imposed, making Iranians poorer by the day. Meanwhile, the CIA’s strings were being pulled by Kermit Roosevelt (a grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt), according to declassified intelligence information.
Although a first coup failed, the second attempt was successful. General Fazlollah Zahedi, an Army officer, took over as Prime Minister. Mosaddegh was tried and imprisoned for three years and kept under house arrest until his death. Playing an important role in the 1953 coup was a Shia cleric named Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Mostafavi-Kashani. He was previously loyal to Mosaddegh, but later supported the coup. One of his successors was Ayatollah Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi Khomeini, who engineered the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Meanwhile, in 1954 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had been rebranded as British Petroleum (BP).
Map of the Middle East
When the Iran-Iraq war broke out (September 1980 to August 1988), the Persian/Arabian Gulf became a hive of activity for American warships, which were there to ensure security of the Gulf and supertankers passing through it.
The Strait of Hormuz, the only way in and out of the Gulf, is administered by Oman and Iran. While there may have been British and French warships in the region, radio ‘chatter’ heard by aircraft pilots overhead was always from the US ships. In those days, flying in and out of the Gulf was a nerve-wracking experience for airline pilots, as one may suddenly hear a radio call on the common frequency: “Aircraft approaching US warship [name], identify yourself.” One thing in the pilots’ favour was that they didn’t know what ships they were flying over, so they obeyed only the designated air traffic controller. Sometimes though, with unnecessarily distracting American chatter, there was complete chaos, resulting in mistaken identities.
Air Lanka Tri Star
Once, Air Lanka pilots monitored an aircraft approaching Bahrain being given a heading to turn on to by a ship’s radio operator. Promptly the air traffic controller, who was on the same frequency, butted in and said: “Disregard! Ship USS Navy [name], do you realise what you have just done? You have turned him on to another aircraft!” It was obvious that there was a struggle to maintain air traffic control in the Gulf, with operators having to contend with American arrogance.
On the night of May 17, 1987, USS Stark was cruising in Gulf waters when it was attacked by a Dassault Mirage F1 jet fighter/attack aircraft of the Iraqi Air Force. Without identifying itself, the aircraft fired two Exocet missiles, one of which exploded, killing 37 sailors on board the American frigate. Iraq apologised, saying it was a mistake. The USA graciously accepted the apology.
Then on July 3, 1988 the high-tech, billion-dollar guided missile cruiser USS Vincennes, equipped with advanced Aegis weapons systems and commanded by Capt. Will Rogers III, was chasing two small Iranian gun boats back to their own waters when an aircraft was observed on radar approaching the US warship. It was misidentified as a Mirage F1 fighter, so the Americans, in Iranian territorial waters, fired two surface-to-air Missiles (SAMs) at the target, which was summarily destroyed.
The Vincennes had issued numerous warnings to the approaching aircraft on the military distress frequency. But the aircraft never heard them as it was listening out on a different (civil) radio frequency. The airplane broke in three. It was soon discovered, however, that the airplane was in fact an Iran Air Airbus A300 airliner with 290 civilian passengers on board, en route from Bandar Abbas to Dubai. Unfortunately, because it was a clear day, the Iranian-born, US-educated captain of Iran Air Flight 655 had switched off the weather radar. If it was on, perhaps it would have confirmed to the American ship that the ‘incoming’ was in fact a civil aircraft. At the time, Capt. Will Rogers’ surface commander, Capt. McKenna, went on record saying that USS Vincennes was “looking for action”, and that is why they “got into trouble”.
Although USS Vincennes was given a grand homecoming upon returning to the USA, and its Captain Will Rogers III decorated with the Legion of Merrit, in February 1996 the American government agreed to pay Iran US$131.8 million in settlement of a case lodged by the Iranians in the International Court of Justice against the USA for its role in that incident. However, no apology was tendered to the families of the innocent victims.
These two incidents forced Air Lanka pilots, who operated regularly in those perilous skies, to adopt extra precautionary measures. For example, they never switched off the weather radar system, even in clear skies. While there were potentially hostile ships on ground, layers of altitude were blocked off for the exclusive use of US Air Force AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) aircraft flying in Bahraini and southern Saudi Arabian airspace. The precautions were even more important because Air Lanka’s westbound, ‘heavy’ Lockheed TriStars were poor climbers above 29,000 ft. When departing Oman or the UAE in high ambient temperatures, it was a struggle to reach cruising level by the time the airplane was overhead Bahrain, as per the requirement.
In the aftermath of the Iran Air 655 incident, Newsweek magazine called it a case of ‘mistaken identity’. Yet, when summing up the tragic incident that occurred on September 1, 1983, when Korean Air Flight KE/KAL 007 was shot down by a Russian fighter jet, close to Sakhalin Island in the Pacific Ocean during a flight from New York to Seoul, the same magazine labelled it ‘murder in the air’.
After the Iranian coup, which was not coincidentally during the time of the ‘Cold War’, the CIA involved itself in the internal affairs of numerous countries and regions around the world: Guatemala (1953-1990s); Costa Rica (1955, 1970-1971); Middle East (1956-1958); Haiti (1959); Western Europe (1950s to 1960s); British Guiana/Guyana (1953-1964); Iraq (1958-1963); Soviet Union, Vietnam, Cambodia (1955-1973); Laos, Thailand, Ecuador (1960-1963); The Congo (1960-1965, 1977-1978); French Algeria (1960s); Brazil (1961-1964); Peru (1965); Dominican Republic (1963-1965); Cuba (1959 to present); Indonesia (1965); Ghana (1966); Uruguay (1969-1972); Chile (1964-1973); Greece (1967-1974); South Africa (1960s to 1980s); Bolivia (1964-1975); Australia (1972-1975); Iraq (1972-1975); Portugal (1974-1976); East Timor (1975-1999); Angola (1975-1980); Jamaica (1976); Honduras (1980s); Nicaragua (1979-1990); Philippines (1970s to 1990s); Seychelles (1979-1981); Diego Garcia (late 1960s to present); South Yemen (1979-1984); South Korea (1980); Chad (1981-1982); Grenada (1979-1983); Suriname (1982-1984); Libya (1981-1989); Fiji (1987); Panama (1989); Afghanistan (1979-1992); El Salvador (1980-1992); Haiti (1987-1994, 2004); Bulgaria (1990-1991); Albania (1991-1992); Somalia (1993); Iraq (1991-2003; 2003 to present), Colombia (1990s to present); Yugoslavia (1995-1995, and to 1999); Ecuador (2000); Afghanistan (2001 to present); Venezuela (2001-2004; and 2025).
If one searches the internet for information on American involvement in foreign countries during the periods listed above, it will be seen how ‘black’ funds were/are used by the CIA to destabilise those governments for the benefit of a few with vested interests, while poor citizens must live in the chaos and uncertainty thus created.
A popular saying goes: “Each man has his price”. Sad, isn’t it? Arguably the world’s only superpower that professes to be a ‘paragon of virtue’ often goes ‘rogue’.
God Bless America – and no one else!
BY GUWAN SEEYA
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
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