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Dudley Senanayake who won the hearts of millions

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by Imitiaz Bakeer Markar

I first met Dudley Senanayake in 1970. Despite the effects of the colossal defeat of the so-called National Government he led still prevailing, I met him at Woodlands along with a group of students from Ananda College, Colombo.

In that era there were students of Ananda who attended classes conducted by the Communist, Samasamaja and JVP parties. As we did not accept their principles, we formed a group identifying ourselves as the Democratic Student’s Organization.

With the belief that the UNP at that time professed the same ideology as ours, we thought that meeting Dudley Senanayake would go a long way in fostering this relationship further. We placed before him our demands.

His response was, “You are now at a schooling age. It is too early for you to get involved in politics. Study well. After you graduate, you can do politics. When that time comes I will give you a good opportunity for that”. These words encompassed his sincerity and honesty; he had no intention of using students as political pawns.

Not feeling dejected by this response we firmly declared our position: “If you retain this stance, very soon this country would become Communist. Extremist ideas would creep into the schools, and there would be attempt to brainwash students with these ideologies”

Our response, we believed, had an effect on him. He replied, “Just give me two weeks I will think this over and meet you again”.

Before the end of two weeks we received an invitation from him. There were several others present at this meeting. In addition to Jinadasa Niyathapala, the General Secretary of the Youth Front of the party, Professor Thilak Ratnakara, J. R. P. Sooriyapperuma and a young University Lecturer, Karunasena Kodituwakku were present.

“We have given serious consideration to the matters you have raised. As a party it is not our intention to start a Student’s Organization. We have decided to support the Democratic Students’ Organization started by you. Henceforth, we have appointed these four leaders who will guide you and extend whatever support you need.”

The rapport we built up with Dudley Senanayake was the beginning of a long political journey. Even today in my political career, my idols are my father and Dudley Senanayake. A man of exemplary character. his simplicity, honesty and lifestyle won him popularity among the masses he loved so much.

As a young politician he, with his friend JR Jayewardene, played a dynamic role in the battle for Independence. He was firm in the decision of extending support to Japan in the aftermath of the Second World War despite opposition by the British Empire.

Appointed the first Minister of Agriculture and Lands in then Indepedent Ceylon, his primary challenge was to implement the Gal Oya multi-purpose scheme, the first such in the country. Under the Gal Oya project the largest reservoir ever built in Sri Lanka with the capacity of 770,000 acre feet of water was built. The Inginiyagala Senanayake Samudraya provided water to 120,000 acres of paddy lands to be cultivated in both the Yala and Maha seasons.

Hydro electric power generation was also established in order to provide electricity to the area and the foundation laid for sugar production. Ampara District became the largest rice producing area in the country with irrigation water provided through the Gal Oya Project. In addition to Gal Oya, the foundation for the Uda Walawe Multi-Purpose project was also laid as proposed under the six year development plan that was part of the first budget of Independent Ceylon in 1948.

The restoration of ancient tanks, Kantale, Allai and Kandalama were also initiated during the 1947-1952 period. The establishment of Agricultural Research Centers in Mahailuppalama, Ampara, Bombuwala and Kantale were also undertaken during that time. The setting up of he Bathalagoda Central Rice Research Centre is also noteworthy. Today’s farmers benefit from the high quality seeds that these Centers supply.

During 1965-1970 period, under the leadership of Dudley Senanayake with Mr M.D.Banda as Minister of Agriculture, “the green revolution” in agriculture was set in motion and the yield of paddy per acre at that time increased several fold. The country’s total rice production which stood at 36.3 million bushels in 1965 more tan doubled to 77.4 million bushels in 1970 showing a remarkable increase of over 100%.

Moreover during this era in order to achieve success in this endeavor I remember how Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake deployed the “Young Farmers Army” or Tharuna Govi Hamudawa which had been started by Captain C.P.J. Senewiratne .

With the attempt made by D. S. Senanayake to provide Mahaweli waters to Ududumbara valley under the revamped Minipe scheme, the Mahaweli Development Scheme kicked off with the enactment of the Mahaweli Development Act by the Dudley Senanayake government. The Polgolla barrage was built by him in 1970.

Even though he could not complete the Mahaweli Development Scheme, in later years it was completed by Gamini Dissanayake under the leadership of President J.R. Jayewardene. The Mahaweli scheme today is considered the largest development scheme in Sri Lanka with rice and other subsidiary crops produced and hydro electricity generated in a single area where large scale settlement of farmers took place.

Schemes and projects that were initiated before 1956 included Agrarian Colonies and Irrigation Reforms, construction of a residential University in Peradeniya, establishment of Central and Technical Colleges island-wide, construction of the new Kelani and other bridges and also the construction of Kankesanturai cement factory, Paranthan chemical factory, Valaichenai paper factory and the Hingurana sugar factory.

These were all constructed prior to 1956 out of our own resources without any foreign aid or loans. They were funded by the country’s export earnings.

In the aftermath of the communal uprising in 1956, Dudley Senanayake in 1965 formed a “National Government” for the first time in the history of independent Sri Lanka by including the Federal Party, Tamil Congress, Ceylon Workers Congress and all parties which represented the Tamils. This helped to promote national reconciliation.

Philip Gunawardene who was known as the ‘Father of Marxism’ here and representatives of other ideologies like ‘Yankee Dicky’ J.R. Jayewardene who later introduced South Asia’s first open economy in this country and Sinhala extremists K.M.P. Rajaratna and his wife, Kusuma, were all part of that government formed by Dudley Senanayake. He also obtained the support of I.M.R.A. Iriyagolla and W. Dahanayake for this National Government which held uninterrupted office for five years.

Dudley Senanayake who headed this government demonstrated impartial decision making and statesmanship skills during the five year tenure of this government. His economic principles tilted towards providing aid and assistance to the farming community, small businessmen and the have nots who could not on their own survive the challenges of market competition. This clearly revealed that he was not a Liberal Democrat but a Socialist Democrat.

Even though opportunities were given for free market operations, he protected the vulnerable in a competitive environment. His was an exemplary character from which anyone could learn even today.

I remember an incident related to me by Dr Karunasena Kodituwakku who had visited the home of an ailing Philip Gunawardene, Minister of Industries in Dudley Senanayake’s 1965 government. Philip had told Kodituwakku: “Karu, Dudley is a great man as well as a leader of the people. I worked with him only for a very short period and I feel now the period I did not work with him was time wasted. If I had the chance of working longer with him, I could have done much more for the people.”

This was the character certificate Philip Gunawardene, a strong leftist of Sri Lanka, issued to Dudley Senanayake. I will conclude my epitaph on the life and times of Dudley Senanayake by quoting few lines from Sri Chandraratne Manawasinghe.

“Dudley was too good, most of them say. that is true but not complete. One can chip a stone to reach its core but it was more difficult to get Dudley to change his principles. He was very emotional and his heart full of mercy towards others. But he stood firmly like an unshakable boulder and was a strong character”

We are living miserably today in an unfortunate period. There is no difference between the good fortune of entering an oasis in a dessert or joining hands with an honest leader.



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Features

Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace

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by Jehan Perera

There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.

Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.

The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.

Institutional Commitment

The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.

The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”

Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.

Local Action

The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.

A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.

Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.

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Quality assured education commodities

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by Ahilan Kadirgamar

I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.

Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?

Corporate speak

Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.

Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.

World Bank Trojan horse

Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.

The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.

The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.

The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.

Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.

In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.

Commodity fetishism

Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.

We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.

Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

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Thailand’s biggest new global star …

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The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!

Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.

Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.

The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.

She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.

Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.

Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.

She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.

For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.

And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.

When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.

And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”

Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”

Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.

With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.

What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.

Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.

Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).

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