Dudley Senanayake takes over, my relations with Mrs. B deteriorates

(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar by Bradman Weerakoon)

Dudley Senanayake was not only the youngest to serve as prime minister (he was 41 years old when called upon to do so by the Governor-General Lord Soulbury and succeeded his father D S in 1952) but also the one who had to fill the position the most number of times. The second occasion was after winning the election he called in 1952 and the third, the shortest tenure, after narrowly winning in March 1960. He actually went through the formal swearing-in ceremony before the governor general four times.

Now in 1965, fully matured after five years as leader of the opposition to Sirimavo’s first administration, he was back in office at the head of an assorted seven-party national government.’ It was called contemptuously by his opponents the ‘hath havula’ (in simple English, ‘the devil’s brew’). But he had a comfortable majority if he could hold the coalition together.

The UNP alone under his leadership had won 66 seats, and with the help of the Federal Party (14 seats), the SLFSP C P de Silva’s breakaway group from the SLFP (five seats), the Tamil Congress (three seats) and one each from the MEP, LPP and JVP not the Janata Vomukti Peramuna(which was yet to emerge, but the’Jatika’ Vimukti Peramuna of KMP Rajaratne) he was well ahead of Mrs Bandaranaike whose SLFP had won 41 seats.

This time, hardened by the long spell in the opposition, Dudley was a different being. I found him pugnacious and much more confident. The challenge of running a fractious team which included for the first time in government, the Federal Party in addition to such well known mavericks as Iriyagolle and Dahanayake (now resurrected from Galle) and the redoubtable Philip Gunawardene kept the adrenaline running. I knew I was going to enjoy the trip if I could stay the course. The problem was whether I could, or would be allowed to, considering the background of my close association for the past five years with the administration of Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

There were strong forces at work to have me out and replaced with someone more close to the UNP. My first sense of this was when I presented myself at the swearing-in ceremony of the new prime minister and Cabinet at Queens House before the Governor-General William Gopallawa. He had been Sirimavo’s choice soon after the abortive coup d’etat of 1962. Dudley was charming and greeted me in his usual cheery way but there were many black looks from the other UNP supporters around him.

The feisty Wimala Kannangara, soon to be a deputy minister in the new government, characteristically forthright but not with too much hostility, greeted me with, “What are you doing here? Aren’t you Mrs Bandaranaike’s blue-eyed boy?” Actually, this was the first time I had heard myself being called so. In the five years that he had been in the opposition I had seen Dudley only once or twice once at a DPL reception and the second time at his home when I called to condole with him on the death of his mother.

On the latter occasion I walked with the other mourners to Kanatte from his Woodlands home.

The swearing-in encounter was not the end of the matter. A week or two later, after I started working with Dudley, he appeared unusually serious one morning. He inquired of me whether I had been seeing Mrs Bandaranaike recently. I said I hadn’t. He laughed and said he was only checking because a delegation led by a very prominent monk associated with the UNP, the Ven’ble Malewana Gnanissara, had told him in all seriousness that they had information that I was seen recently at Rosmead Place in deep conversation with Mrs Bandaranaike. Dudley in his characteristic way accepted what I said, also adding that he had no problem with my meeting her socially, if I so desired and was certain that I would keep that within limits. This made me all the more convinced that I should avoid seeing her at all, even if social events were to bring us together.

About a month later, Dudley told me that he had had another group come to him with a similar story of my meeting Sirimavo. He had reprimanded them and said that if he believed all the stories which were coming to him about his officials, he would have only Carolis his valet left to work for him. This was the end of the matter but is illustrative of the campaign of ‘tale carrying’ that is rampant in the country and viciously erupts, especially at times of transition.

My relations with Mrs Bandaranaike begin to deteriorate

It had been a tearful farewell when Sirimavo left Temple Trees after Dudley had been sworn in as leader of the National Government. He had generously passed the word round that since 65 Rosmead Place was not immediately available, the house having been rented out to the Egyptian ambassador at the time, she could, if she wished, stay on at TT for a while. Sirimavo did not take advantage of the offer, made other arrangements and left within a few days.

She hoped, in her final conversations, that Dudley would not deal too harshly with me for having served her government so closely. I replied that I did not think he would because I had worked with him earlier and, moreover, I did not really mind being transferred out-station after 10 continuous years in Colombo. I even hoped it would be Puttalam where I could begin to plant coconut on a 25-acre block of jungle land a group of us public servants had got on leasehold some years earlier.

The only request she made of me was that a Ms Soma Bandaranaike whom she had appointed as manageress at TT would be kept on, as she needed the income the job gave her. I undertook to do my best. One morning soon after Dudley Senanayake took over, Mrs Bandaranaike spoke with me on the telephone about the manageress of Temple Trees who had been brought in during her time. This was Soma Dias Bandaranaike who was a relative and had done a good job if keeping the cooks and house boys in control.

Soma filled a permanent post but since she had come in by personal selection, she should normally have left with the change of government. However, she hadn’t any other job to go to and Mrs Bandaranaike suggested that if I could, she might be kept on. However, Dudley had his own ideas about who should manage the household and had been able to persuade a friend, a highly qualified and responsible retired health department administrative secretary, one Wijesuriya to take on the job.

He was really overqualified to be manager of TT but since the prime minister wanted him to be there and `Wije’ was willing, there was nothing to be done but give Soma a month’s notice and ask her to find some other job. Getting Soma out and putting Mr Wijesuriya in, caused some concern to Mrs Bandaranaike and I could sense the petulance when she called me. She, only half in jest, asked whether Dudley wanted the coast clear to bring in one of his girl friends. It was the first difficult conversation I had with her and I did not think I had managed that particular encounter at all well.

Leaders of the National Government discuss the DDCs

Dudley’s first priority was to cement relations with his new allies of the Federal Party. It was the first time in history that a national party representing the Tamil community was in partnership with the majority community in governing the country. Over the three years that the FP was in the cabinet, Dudley tried hard to make his concept of district development councils work. The DDCs would include all the members of Parliament in the district and would be vested with sufficient powers to exercise limited autonomy in critical areas of public concern.

But in attempting to take away powers from the central line ministers and pass them down to the districts he found himself thwarted by most ministers. No one was willing to give up anything. They wanted all the powers for themselves. The notion of devolution or subsidiarity was not yet in their thinking at all.

The discussions on the subjects and functions which might be devolved, under the direction and control of the central government, were often heated and tempers rose especially in the cross-talk between the Federal Party and the Tamil Congress. Once in the middle of a serious discussion where the intriguing subject of elimination of pests and noxious plants was being discussed at great length, and whether this subject should come under the DDC of the central government, G G Ponnambalam, with a mischievous twinkle in his eye, remarked that the subject might be better amended to read elimination of pests and noxious persons and given to the DDC, directing his look straight at Dr Naganathan. Naganathan who was not given to taking things lying down literally exploded in rage.