Opinion
Down with the 225 who have failed to agree on united response to Sialkot barbarism!
By Rohana R. Wasala
The lesson taught by the failure of our pParliament to register a prompt united response of unqualified condemnation against the occurrence of the Sialkot savagery committed in the name of religion should never be forgotten by all patriotic Sri Lankans. My hunch is that ordinary Sri Lankans, whose hearts bled for Priyantha Kumara, the victim of that sadistic barbarity, would have reasonably expected all the MPs to unite against murderous Islamism that led to his ordeal, following the example of all Muslim MPs having stood by their fellow Muslim MP Rishad Badiuddeen who was suspected, by some, to have had links with the suicide bombers who carried out the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks. The lesson that can be derived from the collective dereliction of a vital national responsibility by the MPs is that the present ruling elite (fully represented in Parliament in the form of the government and the Opposition) has neither the will nor the ability to resolve the problems of political and ideological extremism that have been unnecessarily assailing the nation for a long time, in the characteristically peaceful nonviolent and enlightened way so well illustrated in our dominant, almost identical, Buddhist and Hindu cultures. Relentless pursuers of conflicting geopolitical agendas in our neighbourhood exploit these issues of externally imposed political and religious extremism in their own interest, but to the great detriment of our people (as His Eminence the Cardinal has so often emphasised in the recent past).
It’s almost two weeks since an innocent Sri Lankan expatriate employee, Priyantha Kumara Diyawadana, was set upon, beaten to death, and burned on a main road in a most despicable, inhumanly cruel manner by an Islamist lynch mob, arbitrarily and maliciously accusing him of blasphemy, at Sialkot, in the north-east of the Punjab province of Pakistan on Friday, December 3, 2021. The sickening details of the appalling incident are now well known, and so we can avoid the pain of repeating them. If the horrendous outrage fails to galvanise the civilised world to resolve to root out forthwith the diabolical crime (against humanity) of killing in the name of religion, nothing will. Not that this kind of extremist brutality is an uncommon happening in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan; probably, though, no religious atrocity committed there previously could rival what our unfortunate compatriot was subjected to.
Pakistan premier Imran Khan tweeted his utmost concern late Saturday(04) about the brutal lynching episode of the previous day, which he had earlier condemned as ‘horrific’; it was a day of shame for Pakistan, he said. Imran Khan’s twitter message ran: “Spoke to Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa today in UAE to convey our nation’s anger & shame to people of Sri Lanka at vigilante killing of Priyantha Diyawadana in Sialkot. I informed him 100+ ppl arrested & assured him they would be prosecuted with full severity of the law”. (Both Presidents were then in Abu Dhabi for the recent Indian Ocean Conference held there.) The online wionews.com later reported (December 5) that after the Pakistani premier’s order to initiate a concerted probe, more than 800 suspects had already been booked, including the principal assailant Farhan Idrees.
To my mind, the Sri Lankan government’s response has not at all been commensurate with the enormity of the outrage. Hardly a handful of the 225 in Parliament (most of whom are eating and drinking zombies, i.e., will-less and speechless human corpses claimed to have been magically raised from the dead and used in African witchcraft) were courageous enough to utter anything that contradicted or questioned the Pakistani government’s judicious, but duplicitous stand on the lynching of a lone, completely helpless, Sri Lankan citizen. Priyantha was no ordinary Sri Lankan citizen. He had served the Pakistan nation with exceptional professionalism in a senior position in its industry field for 11 long years away from his home country and from his beloved young family. Actually, it was his commitment to his work that brought him this fate. Some workers under him were unhappy about the expat senior manager’s no-nonsense approach to work. They were looking for an opportunity to have him punished. The poster removing incident gave them the chance to invoke the blasphemy allegation, and physically eliminate him. However, we cannot blame the Pakistani Premier or his government too much in connection with the lynching. It must be as abhorrent to them as it is to all civilised people of the world. Yet it is up to the Pakistani rulers to put an end to blasphemy laws in order to prevent future crimes like this. The civilised Pakistani citizens do not approve of what happened, but they know the PM’s constraining dilemma, and would excuse him for his dubious stand on the matter; but they will not think very highly about Sri Lankan MPs’ chickening out of a robust rejection of violent Islamism on this occasion.
Be that as it may, with justice and humanity on our side, we have all the reason to have expected of our politicoes a non-militant, but nationally more dignified and more engaged response to the tragedy. It looks like they are too dumb to realise that, probably, their own accustomed parochial politicking even while the whole country is being devoured by the monster of geopolitics in the region also served to precipitate this obviously premeditated attack on a poor unsuspecting citizen of a country that the Jihadists have been brainwashed to identify as an infidel nation that persecutes Muslims. This unsavoury image of Sri Lanka has been created through relentless anti-Buddhist propaganda.
It looked as if both the government and the Opposition were more concerned with dealing with the political fallout of the Sialkot incident than with assuaging the suffering of the bereaved family. When Minister Bandula Gunawardane announced in Parliament the planned award of the derisory sum of 2.5 million in the debased SL currency to Priyantha’s family as interim relief until proper compensation is arranged, Opposition and SJB leader Sajith, gave the family 2.0 million rupees for the educational welfare of Priyantha’s children. Probably, they were both more concerned about the political capital they were individually making out of the family’s inexpressible adversity than about helping them to cope up with the tragedy.
Sri Lanka must demand that Premier Imran Khan keep his word in this case, and as Professor Pratibha Mahanamahewa urges, Pakistan ought to tender an international apology for failing to protect a defenceless individual’s basic human right to live; it is ironical that this happened so close to December 10, the International Human Rights Day. The Pakistan PM’s apparent attempt to mitigate the atrociousness of the lynching episode as a case of vigilantism (i.e., law enforcement by a self-appointed group of people without legal authority, especially in a situation where relevant authorities are not available or cannot function) is not an encouraging gesture (Please see his twitter message quoted above).
According to the Indian newspaper Hindustan Times of December 8, 2021, Pakistan’s Defense Minister Parvez Khattak has made a more explicit attempt than Prime Minister Imran Khan to rationalise the lynching. Khattak was reported as having made a shockingly unapologetic statement: “Murders take place when young people get emotional over Islam…..They are emotional kids with Islamic understanding; they act under Islamic understanding, they act under Islamic sentiments…. At Sialkot, these boys converged, shouted slogans and termed manager’s action against Islam…..They became emotional and the murder took place suddenly, but that doesn’t mean everything has got ruined…..Please make people understand that they are youngsters who become emotional for Islam ….I too can become emotional for Islam and do something wrong but that doesn’t mean Pakistan is heading towards destruction.” These murdering ‘kids’ that Pak Defence Minister Khattak idolizes are no doubt products of the Islamic madrasas in that country, 30,000 of which PM Khan himself planned, as reported in early 2019, to bring under state control in response to allegations that they turned out youngsters indoctrinated with violent Jihadism, that led them to carry out attacks in neighbouring India and Afghanistan. The Islamist suicide bombers who carried out the 2019 April 21 Easter Sunday attacks were educated at local non-traditional madrasas that teach Wahhabism. Prof. G.L. Peiris, as Education Minister of the new government vowed to streamline those madrasas, obviously completely ignorant of the problems involved.
When Public Security Minister Sarath Weerasekera in Parliament questioned the Pakistani Defence Minister’s utterances, government MP Shantha Bandara of the SLFP rose to the latter’s defence. A TNA MP tried to suggest that the majority community, to which Priyantha Diyawadana belonged, deserved even worse treatment on account of similar acts of vicious violence they have allegedly inflicted on the Tamil minority since 1956. The show of grief to the bereaved family by the highest of the land was also subdued, probably in deference to the local sympathizers of the jihadist lynch mob with whom they struck deals to maintain the required two thirds majority in Parliament for passing 20A.
Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan people and the leaders (of both the government and the Opposition), no doubt, appreciate the Pakistan PM’s resolve to mete out justice to the perpetrators. They may be thought to be similarly determined to prevent any spillover effect of the tragic affair flowing into Sri Lanka. Pakistan is and has always been one of Sri Lanka’s staunchest friends. That friendship at the government to government and the people to people levels should not be damaged, though we have to recognize the fact that the Pakistani society today seems to be far more radicalised than in the past.
Nevertheless, social media including Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, etc., are flooded with expressions of shock, sorrow, and shame by thousands of outraged ordinary Pakistani citizens who share our grief with the utmost sincerity. All our political, civil and religious leaders are sure to unite in fulfilling their obligatory national responsibility to convince the leaders of friendly Islamic nations not to be misled by certain opportunistic Sri Lankan Muslim politicians who maintain treacherous links with suicide-bombing extremists for personal political advantage, while creating an illusion of a non-existent Buddhist-Muslim conflct or disharmony in Sri Lanka through false propaganda.
Pakistan is one of the 12 Muslim majority countries where blasphemy against Islam, or its founder, is punished with death. Journalist Khundar Khuldune Shahid working and living in his native Pakistan, a Muslim himself, who is a correspondent to the Washington D.C. based online current affairs magazine The Diplomat, believes that Islamist fundamentalists in his country commit murder with impunity because of the blasphemy law that operates in the country. It was because of the fact that the concept of ‘death for blasphemy’ is included in Pakistan’s penal code that the crowd, including the few policemen who were there or arrived too late to stop the lynching, looked on passively, while the lawful proceedings were going on. But Priyantha’s Pakistani colleague Malik Adnan made a heroic effort to save him from the mob, risking his own life in the process. PM Imran Khan expressed his and the nation’s appreciation of Malik Adnan’s attempt to rescue the victim by honouring him with a special award. Malik has now dedicated it to Priyantha and Sri Lankans. Hundreds and thousands of ordinary Pakistanis have already expressed their outrage from both within and from outside Pakistan at the hideous murder of Priyantha Kumara. This unfortunate incident should not be allowed to have the least negative impact on Pakistan-Sri Lanka bilateral relations. At the same time, Sri Lankans should not dishonour the memory of their murdered compatriot by opting not to demand an adequate apology from Pakistan for failing to ensure the physical safety of the Sri Lankan citizen. This is not too much to demand from a friendly Muslim nation. The last thing our leaders could do to continue our prevailing excellent relations with Pakistan without undermining them is to unnecessarily act as if these relations depend on their tolerance of the barbaric Islamist excesses inflicted on our citizens on its soil, condemned as creatures unworthy of human dignity.
Opinion
Future must be won
Excerpts from the speech of the Chairman of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, D.E.W. Gunasekera, at the 23rd Convention of the Party
This is not merely a routine gathering. Our annual congress has always been a decisive moment in Sri Lanka’s political history. For 83 years, since the formation of our Party in 1943, we have held 22 conventions. Each one reflected the political turning points of our time. Today, as we assemble for the 23rd Congress, we do so at another historic crossroads – amidst a deepening economic crisis at home and profound transformations in the global order.
Our Historical Trajectory: From Anti-imperialism to the Present
The 4th Party Convention in 1950 was a decisive milestone. It marked Sri Lanka’s conscious turn toward anti-imperialism and clarified that the socialist objective and revolution would be a long-term struggle. By the 1950s, the Left movement in Sri Lanka had already socialized the concept of socialist transformation among the masses. But the Communist Party had to dedicate nearly two decades to building the ideological momentum required for an anti-imperialist revolution.
As a result of that consistent struggle, we were able to influence and contribute to the anti-imperialist objectives achieved between 1956 and 1976. From the founding of the Left movement in 1935 until 1975, our principal struggle was against imperialism – and later against neo-imperialism in its modernised forms,
The 5th Convention in 1955 in Akuressa, Matara, adopted the Idirimaga (“The Way Forward”) preliminary programme — a reform agenda intended to be socialised among the people, raising public consciousness and organising progressive forces.
At the 1975 Convention, we presented the programme Satan Maga (“The Path of Battle”).
The 1978 Convention focused on confronting the emerging neoliberal order that followed the open economy reforms.
The 1991 Convention, following the fall of the Soviet Union, grappled with international developments and the emerging global order. We understand the new balance of forces.
The 20th Convention in 2014, in Ratnapura, addressed the shifting global balance of power and the implications for the Global South, including the emergence of a multipolar world. At that time, contradictions were developing between the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), government led by Mahinda Rajapaksa, and the people, and we warned of these contradictions and flagged the dangers inherent in the trajectory of governance.
Each convention responded to its historical moment. Today, the 23rd must responded to ours.
Sri Lanka in the Global Anti-imperialist Tradition
Sri Lanka was a founding participant in the Bandung Conference of 1955, a milestone in the anti-colonial solidarity of Asia and Africa. In 1976, Sri Lanka hosted the 5th Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Colombo, under Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
At that time, Fidel Castro emerged as a leading voice within NAM. At the 6th Summit in Havana in 1979, chaired by Castro, a powerful critique was articulated regarding the international economic and social crises confronting newly sovereign nations.
Three central obstacles were identified:
1. The unjust global economic order.
2. The unequal global balance of power,
3. The exploitative global financial architecture.
After 1979, the Non-Aligned Movement gradually weakened in influence. Yet nearly five decades later, those structural realities remain. In fact, they have intensified.
The Changing Global Order: Facts and Realities
Today we are witnessing structural Changes in the world system.
1. The Shift in Economic Gravity
The global economic centre of gravity has shifted toward Asia after centuries of Western dominance. Developing countries collectively represent approximately 85% of the world’s population and roughly 40-45% of global GDP depending on measurement methods.
2. ASEAN and Regional Integration
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), now comprising 10 member states (with Timor-Leste in the accession process), has deepened economic integration. In addition, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) – which includes ASEAN plus China, Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand – is widely recognised as the largest free trade agreement in the world by participating economies.
3. BRICS Expansion
BRICS – originally Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – has expanded. As of 2025, full members include Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Ethiopia and Iran. Additional partner countries are associated through BRICS mechanisms.
Depending on measurement methodology (particularly Purchasing Power Parity), BRICS members together account for approximately 45-46% of global GDP (PPP terms) and roughly 45% of the world’s population. If broader partners are included, demographics coverage increases further. lt is undeniably a major emerging bloc.
4. Regional Blocs Across the Global South
Latin America, Africa, Eurasia and Asia have all consolidated regional trade and political groupings. The Global South is no longer politically fragmented in the way it once was.
5. Alternative Development Banks
Two important institutions have emerged as alternatives to the Bretton Woods system:
• The New Development Bank (NDB) was established by BRICS in 2014.
• The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), operational since 2016, now with over 100 approved members.
These institutions do not yet replace the IMF or World Bank but they represent movement toward diversification.
6. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)
The SCO has evolved into a major Eurasian security and political bloc, including China, Russia, India. Pakistan and several Central Asian states.
7. Do-dollarization and Reserve Trends
The US dollar remains dominant foreign exchange reserves at approximately 58%, according to IMF data. This share has declined gradually over two decades. Diversification into other currencies and increased gold holdings indicate slow structural shifts.
8. Global North and Global South
The Global North – broadly the United States, Canada European Union and Japan – accounts for roughly 15% of the world’s population and about 35-40% of global GDP.
The Global South – Latin America, Africa, Asia and parts of Eurasia – contains approximately 85% of humanity and an expanding share of global production.
These shifts create objective conditions for the restructuring of the global financial architecture – but they do not automatically guarantee justice.
Sri Lanka’s Triple Crisis
Sri Lanka’s crisis culminated on 12 April 2022, when the government declared suspension of external debt payments – effectively announcing sovereign default.
Since then, political leadership has changed. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned. President Ranil Wickremesinghe governed during the IMF stabilization period. In September 2024, Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the National People’s Power (NPP) was elected President.
We have had three presidents since the crisis began.
Yet four years later, the structural crisis remains unresolved,
‘The crisis had three dimensions:
1. Fiscal crisis – the Treasury ran out of rupees.
2. Foreign exchange crisis – the Central Bank ran out of dollars.
3. Solvency crisis – excessive domestic and external borrowing rendered repayment impossible.
Despite debt suspension, Sri Lanka’s total debt stock – both domestic and external – remains extremely high relative to GDP, External Debt restructuring provides temporary could reappear around 2027-2028 when grace periods taper.
In the Context of global geopolitical competition in the Indian Ocean region, Sri Lanka’s economic vulnerability becomes even more dangerous,
The Central Task: Economic Sovereignty
Therefore, the 23rd Congress must clearly declare that the struggle for economic sovereignty is the principal task before our nation.
Economic sovereignty means:
• Production economy towards industrialization and manufacturing.
• Food and energy security.
• Democratic control of development policy.
• Fair taxation.
• A foreign policy based on non-alignment and national dignity.
Only a centre-left government, rooted in anti-imperialist and nationalist forces, can lead this struggle.
But unity is required and self-criticism.
All progressive movements must engage in honest reflection. Without such reflection, we risk irrelevance. If we fail to build a broad coalition, if we continue Political fragmentation, the vacuum may be filled by extreme right forces. These forces are already growing globally.
Even governments elected on left-leaning mandates can drift rightward under systemic pressure. Therefore, vigilance and organised mass politics are essential.
Comrades,
History does not move automatically toward justice. It moves through organised struggle.
The 23rd Congress of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka must reaffirm.
• Our commitment to socialism.
• Our dedication to anti-imperialism.
• Our strategic clarity in navigating a multipolar world.
• Our resolve to secure economic sovereignty for Sri Lanka.
Let this Congress become a turning point – not merely in rhetoric, but in organisation and action.
The future will not be given to us.
It must be won.
Opinion
Singular Man: A 122nd Birth Anniversary accolade to Professor C. C. De Silva
On the 25th of February, the 122nd birth anniversary of Emeritus Professor C. C. De Silva, the medical fraternity, as well as the general public, should remember not just the “Godfather of Modern Sri Lankan Paediatrics,” but a unique intellectual whose fantastic brainpower was matched only by his relentless pursuit towards perfection.
To the world, he was a colossus of science. For me, he was a mentor who transformed a raw medical graduate into a disciplined scholar through a “baptism by fire”; indeed, a baptism that I shall cherish forever.
I do hope and pray that this narrative is a sufficiently adequate and descriptive tribute to a persona par excellence, a true titan of the Sri Lankan Medical Landscape.
From Scepticism to Admiration
Our first encounter in 1969 was, quite strangely and perhaps humorously, a lesson to me on my own youthful ignorance and audacity. As a fourth-year medical student, I watched a grey-haired gentleman in the front row challenge an erudite foreign guest lecturer with questions: queries which I considered to be “irrelevant”. I dismissed him then as a “spent old force”. On inquiry, I was told that the person was Professor C. C. De Silva, who had just retired. I quietly thought to myself, “Thank God for small mercies, as I would not be taught by someone like him.”
God forbid, too, as to how terribly wrong I was. Years later, I realised that those questions were the hallmark of a visionary and a dedicated pedagogic academic celebrity, intensely relevant to the health of the children of our beloved Motherland. They were totally and far above the head and intellect of a “raw” medical student. Thankfully, it was not long before, this dignitary, whom I had the bravado to call “a spent old force”, became one of the most influential and gravitational forces in my professional life.
The Seven-Fold Refinement
The true turning point came in 1971. Under the guidance of Dr M. C. J. Hunt, the Consultant Paediatrician at Lady Ridgeway Hospital, under whom I did the second six months of Pre-Registration Internship, I was forced by my “Boss”, terminology used at that time to describe the Consultants, to write my very first scientific paper on a very rare and esoteric condition. When it was submitted to the Ceylon Journal of Child Health, its Editor, Dr Stella De Silva, sent it to a reviewer for assessment. Impudently armed with my “masterpiece”, I jauntily presented myself at the residence of Emeritus Professor C. C. De Silva, who was allocated to be the reviewer of my creation.
What followed was a merciless masterclass in fantastic academic expertise. With a sharp mind and an even sharper red pen, Professor C. C. De Silva took my handiwork completely apart. He cut, chopped, and rearranged the text until barely a sentence of my original prose remained. Over several weeks, this “torture” was repeated no less than seven times. Each week, I would return with a retyped manuscript, only to have it bled dry, again and again, by his uncompromisingly erudite brain. It was indeed a “Baptism by fire“.
Yet for all this, there was absolute grace in his rigour. The man was so exacting in academic literary work that nothing, nothing at all, escaped his eagle’s eye. Each session ended with a delicious high tea served by his gracious wife, and the parting words: “My boy, you do have a lot to learn”.
By the eighth attempt, the paper that had originally been a raw, uncut nugget was finally polished into a veritable gem. The journal published it, and it was my very first scientific publication. However, much more importantly, it was the occasion when I learned the compelling truth of Rabindranath Tagore’s immortal words, “Where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfection“. It clearly impressed on me the fact that for intellectuals like Professor C. C. De Silva, it was a compelling intonation.
An Unending Legacy
Professor C. C. De Silva was definitely much more than just an academic; he was the personification of British English at its finest and a scientist with an obsessive craving for detail. Later, he became a father figure to me, even attending my presentations and offering gentle constructive criticisms, which eventually moved yours truly from fearing it to desperately craving for it.
In 1987, in a final act of characteristic generosity, he asked for my Curriculum Vitae to nominate me for the Fellowship of the Royal College of Physicians of London, UK. I was just 40 years of age. Though the Great Leveller took him from us before his letter to the Royal College of Physicians could be posted, his belief in me was the ultimate validation of my academic progress.
The Good Professor left a heritage of refinement and scholastic brilliance that was hard to match. Following his demise in 1987, the Sri Lanka Paediatric Association, which later became the Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians, established an Annual Professor C. C. De Silva Memorial Oration. I was greatly honoured but profoundly humbled to be competitively selected to deliver that oration, not just once, but three times, in 1991, 1999, and 2008, on three different scientific technical topics based on my research endeavours. Those were three of the highest compliments that I have ever received in my professional life.
The Singular Man
Today, as we mark 122 years since his birth, the shadow of Professor C. C. De Silva still looms ever so large over the Lady Ridgeway Hospital for Children. He taught us that in medicine, “good enough” is never enough; it simply has to be the “best”. He was a caring and vibrant soul who demanded the best because he believed his students and his patients deserved nothing less.
I remain as one of a singularly fortunate cluster that had the extraordinary privilege of walking along a pathway lit by this great man. He was a fabulous leading torch-bearer who guided us in our professional lives. I was always that much richer for the time that I spent in his ever-so-valued company.
Emeritus Professor Cholmondeley Chalmers De Silva: My dear Sir, we will never forget you. This tribute is for a classy scholar, a superb mentor, a master craftsman, and most definitely, an extraordinary man like no other. Today, WE DEVOTEDLY SALUTE YOU and wish you HAPPY BIRTHDAY, in your heavenly abode.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Opinion
Why so unbuddhist?
Hardly a week goes by, when someone in this country does not preach to us about the great, long lasting and noble nature of the culture of the Sinhala Buddhist people. Some Sundays, it is a Catholic priest that sings the virtues of Buddhist culture. Some eminent university professor, not necessarily Buddhist, almost weekly in this newspaper, extols the superiority of Buddhist values in our society. Some 70 percent of the population in this society, at Census, claim that they are Buddhist in religion. They are all capped by that loud statement in dhammacakka pavattana sutta, commonly believed to have been spoken by the Buddha to his five colleagues, when all of them were seeking release from unsatisfactory state of being:
‘….jati pi dukkha jara pi dukkha maranam pi dukkham yam pi…. sankittena…. ‘
If birth (‘jati’) is a matter of sorrow, why celebrate birth? Not just about 2,600 years ago but today, in distant port city Colombo? Why gaba perahara to celebrate conception? Why do bhikkhu, most prominent in this community, celebrate their 75th birthday on a grand scale? A commentator reported that the Buddha said (…ayam antima jati natthi idani punabbhavo – this is my last birth and there shall be no rebirth). They should rather contemplate on jati pi dukkha and anicca (subject to change) and seek nibbana, as they invariably admonish their listeners (savaka) to do several times a week. (Incidentally, Buddhists acquire knowledge by listening to bhanaka. Hence savaka and bhanaka.) The incongruity of bhikkhu who preach jati pi duklkha and then go to celebrate their 65th birthday is thunderous.
For all this, we are one of the most violent societies in the world: during the first 15 days of this year (2026), there has been more one murder a day, and just yesterday (13 February) a youngish lawyer and his wife were gunned down as they shopped in the neighbourhood of the Headquarters of the army. In 2022, the government of this country declared to the rest of the world that it could not pay back debt it owed to the rest of the world, mostly because those that governed us plundered the wealth of the governed. For more than two decades now, it has been a public secret that politicians, bureaucrats, policemen and school teachers, in varying degrees of culpability, plunder the wealth of people in this country. We have that information on the authority of a former President of the Republic. Politicians who held the highest level of responsibility in government, all Buddhist, not only plundered the wealth of its citizens but also transferred that wealth overseas for exclusive use by themselves and their progeny and the temporary use of the host nation. So much for the admonition, ‘raja bhavatu dhammiko’ (may the king-rulers- be righteous). It is not uncommon for politicians anywhere to lie occasionally but ours speak the truth only more parsimoniously than they spend the wealth they plundered from the public. The language spoken in parliament is so foul (parusa vaca) that galleries are closed to the public lest school children adopt that ‘unparliamentary’ language, ironically spoken in parliament. If someone parses the spoken and written word in our society, there is every likelihood that he would find that rumour (pisuna vaca) is the currency of the realm. Radio, television and electronic media have only created massive markets for lies (musa vada), rumour (pisuna vaca), foul language (parusa vaca) and idle chatter (samppampalapa). To assure yourself that this is true, listen, if you can bear with it, newscasts on television, sit in the gallery of Parliament or even read some latterday novels. There generally was much beauty in what Wickremasinghe, Munidasa, Tennakone, G. B. Senanayake, Sarachchandra and Amarasekara wrote. All that beauty has been buried with them. A vile pidgin thrives.
Although the fatuous chatter of politicians about financial and educational hubs in this country have wafted away leaving a foul smell, it has not taken long for this society to graduate into a narcotics hub. In 1975, there was the occasional ganja user and he was a marginal figure who in the evenings, faded into the dusk. Fifty years later, narcotics users are kingpins of crime, financiers and close friends of leading politicians and otherwise shakers and movers. Distilleries are among the most profitable enterprises and leading tax payers and defaulters in the country (Tax default 8 billion rupees as of 2026). There was at least one distillery owner who was a leading politician and a powerful minister in a long ruling government. Politicians in public office recruited and maintained the loyalty to the party by issuing recruits lucrative bar licences. Alcoholic drinks (sura pana) are a libation offered freely to gods that hold sway over voters. There are innuendos that strong men, not wholly lay, are not immune from seeking pleasures in alcohol. It is well known that many celibate religious leaders wallow in comfort on intricately carved ebony or satin wood furniture, on uccasayana, mahasayana, wearing robes made of comforting silk. They do not quite observe the precept to avoid seeking excessive pleasures (kamasukhallikanuyogo). These simple rules of ethical behaviour laid down in panca sila are so commonly denied in the everyday life of Buddhists in this country, that one wonders what guides them in that arduous journey, in samsara. I heard on TV a senior bhikkhu say that bhikkhu sangha strives to raise persons disciplined by panca sila. Evidently, they have failed.
So, it transpires that there is one Buddhism in the books and another in practice. Inquiries into the Buddhist writings are mainly the work of historians and into religion in practice, the work of sociologists and anthropologists. Many books have been written and many, many more speeches (bana) delivered on the religion in the books. However, very, very little is known about the religion daily practised. Yes, there are a few books and papers written in English by cultural anthropologists. Perhaps we know more about yakku natanava, yakun natanava than we know about Buddhism is practised in this country. There was an event in Colombo where some archaeological findings, identified as dhatu (relics), were exhibited. Festivals of that nature and on a grander scale are a monthly regular feature of popular Buddhism. How do they fit in with the religion in the books? Or does that not matter? Never the twain shall meet.
by Usvatte-aratchi
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