Features
Dope Vs. Pope
Hell must be calm and beautiful, as all monsters on the planet are, performing what hell itself was meant to perform. Jimmy Kimmel got it right when he reduced the moment to a satirical shorthand: “Dope vs. Pope.” Soon after President Trump posted an AI-generated image of himself in a Jesus-like role, appearing to heal a sick man—widely interpreted by critics as resembling Jeffrey Epstein—in a hospital bed, the reaction did not merely ripple through Washington or the Vatican, but spread across the wider political orbit that surrounds him. The image—later deleted from his social media account—showed Trump in a white robe, his hand glowing as it touched the forehead of a patient, framed by a staged backdrop of the American flag, the Statue of Liberty, fighter jets, an eagle, a praying nurse, and a uniformed soldier. Across political lines, it was read as self-exaltation, a deliberate borrowing of sacred imagery for personal elevation.
The episode was not an ordinary online controversy. It worked as a break in meaning: political identity, religious symbolism, and artificial intelligence fused into a single manufactured claim of authority. To treat it as a passing provocation would miss the point. Political history is full of rulers who have clashed with religious power or bent it to their own needs. From emperors bargaining with the papacy to modern regimes trying to absorb religious institutions into the state machine, the Church has long stood as a rival source of legitimacy.
In the twentieth century, ideological systems often defined themselves against religious authority. Adolf Hitler, in the private fragments recorded in Table Talk, described Christianity as hostile to the logic of struggle and survival, treating it as a moral system that weakened his worldview. Joseph Stalin reduced the Vatican to irrelevance with the blunt question: “How many divisions has the Pope?” Benito Mussolini treated religion as something to be contained and managed under state supremacy. Across these systems, the Church was either dismissed, controlled, or stripped of independent authority.
In the history of the United States, only two presidents have been Catholic—John F. Kennedy and Joe Biden—and both placed their faith within the strict line separating religious belief from state authority. Donald Trump stands apart from that pattern. A Protestant Christian who has at various times identified as Presbyterian, he has approached the Vatican and religious symbolism in a far more personal and politically charged way. He has been reported in media coverage as suggesting he would like to be Pope after the death of Pope Francis, and last week became entangled in public symbolic tension with Pope Leo XIV, the first American pope in Vatican history, alongside wider claims circulating in political commentary about extraordinary global roles he might assume. These moments are not simply institutional friction. They read as personal performance, where political identity and symbolic imagery are fused into a single style of expression.
What defines the present moment is not direct hostility to religion in the older ideological sense, but a collapse of stable meaning. Trump’s AI-generated Jesus-like image does not arise from doctrine or theology. It belongs to a communication environment driven by speed, repetition, and visual shock. Authority is no longer carried only through law, policy, or institutional negotiation. It is constructed through images that circulate quickly and provoke reaction. Political power now often appears first as visual impact before it becomes anything else.
This matters because earlier conflicts between Church and state were built on jurisdiction, belief, and sovereignty. Today the conflict is not structured in that way. The AI image of Trump as a Christ-like healer is not an argument. It is an act of symbolic appropriation that unsettles the boundary between sacred representation and political display. Religious imagery becomes material for personal projection, while political leadership borrows the visual language once reserved for spiritual authority.
Against this backdrop, Pope Leo XIV presents a sharply different form of authority. His statements repeatedly insist that the Church does not function as a party-political actor, yet he refuses silence on moral questions. He has stated that he does not intend to enter partisan politics, but also insists he will speak where he believes Gospel principles are at stake. In one of his most quoted interventions, he directly counters contemporary political reasoning by stating that “JD Vance is wrong: Jesus does not ask us to rank our love for others,” rejecting any attempt to organise Christian ethics into hierarchies of human value.
This position avoids easy classification. It is neither aligned with ideological conservatism nor with progressive political agendas. Instead, it rests on a claim that moral truth cannot be reduced to political identity. Ethical teaching, in this view, is not meant to serve a faction, nor disappear into neutrality. It remains active in public life without becoming owned by it.
He is equally direct about internal weaknesses within the Church. His criticism of “indoctrination” is not decorative language. It is a warning that religious teaching loses integrity when it suppresses independent moral judgement. He argues that indoctrination damages conscience by removing the possibility of genuine reflection, even when that reflection leads to disagreement. This places him in the middle of ongoing internal disputes over doctrine, authority, and pastoral direction.
It is within this context that his African apostolic journey gains weight. Covering roughly 18,000 kilometres across several countries, and including a visit to the Great Mosque of Algiers, the journey is more than ceremonial travel. It signals a shift in where Catholic growth and influence now sit. Africa is no longer peripheral to global Christianity; it is one of its strongest centres. Beginning a major journey there is a deliberate acknowledgment of that reality.
The contrast with Trump is direct. The papal journey is physical, slow, and rooted in encounter. It depends on presence, dialogue, and institutional continuity. Trump’s communication style operates in a different register entirely. It is instant, visual, and designed for rapid circulation. One approach builds meaning through continuity in time; the other creates impact through immediate display and repetition. One draws authority from tradition; the other reshapes tradition into material for ongoing public reaction.
This difference also reflects a wider shift in how authority is understood. The idea of an American pope was once considered unlikely, largely because of concerns about how closely American political culture sits with global religious authority. Yet Leo XIV’s election complicates that assumption. He has been described as “the least American of Americans,” a phrase pointing to someone who carries national origin but does not appear confined by it. His Augustinian grounding, centred on shared life, unity, and moral order, frames authority as something held in common rather than performed for effect.
Trump’s use of religious imagery should not be reduced to simple disrespect. It reflects a wider condition in which institutions no longer hold exclusive control over meaning. Symbolic language now moves freely across digital platforms, detached from its original setting. Religious images can be lifted into political communication without mediation by religious authority.
What appears here is not only a straightforward clash between a president and a pope, but a deeper imbalance between two competing ways of producing authority: one anchored in doctrinal continuity, institutional restraint, and moral universality; the other driven by immediacy, visual provocation, and the constant circulation of symbolic acts that derive power from attention rather than tradition. Despite all this, what if Trump genuinely believes he is the chosen one—the ‘son of God’—and that every action he takes is divinely instructed? Then who, in the end, is the real ‘dope’?
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
Features
The Division Bell Mystery
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.
Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.
Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.
That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.
Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.
But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.
He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.
Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.
Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.
After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.
The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.
Features
The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive
The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.
At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.
Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.
In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.
Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.
The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.
Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.
In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.
The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.
It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.
Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.
On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.
That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’
In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.
In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’
True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.
Features
Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly
I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.
Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.
She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.
As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes
Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.
Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity
These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.
What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.
What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.
According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.
Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”
Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.
Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.
He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love
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