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Don’t betray baiyas who voted you into power for lack of better alternative:

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by Rohana R. Wasala

(Continued from Monday, February 17, 2025)

When I am formulated, sprawling on a pin” (from T.S. Eliot’s poem ‘The Love Song of Alfred J. Prufrock’ first published 1915)

In moments of self-reflection, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake probably feels the way Prufrock does, helplessly exposed to the probing, judgemental gaze of the public like an anaesthetised insect, say a cockroach, pinned down on a dissecting table in a school science lab. There are a number of similarities and dissimilarities that can be discerned between the fictional Prufrock and the real Dissanayake, such as those in relation to their culturedness or lack of it and self-conscious pretences.

I ended Part II with the question (as rephrased) whether the JVP/NPP (Malimawa) members believe that all ordinary Sri Lankans approve of their method of combating corruption, while also sharing their deeply negative view of 76 years of post-independence national development, with equal conviction and commitment. The obvious answer is that the Malimawans do believe so. But the reality is not what they believe. The reality is that growing numbers of ordinary Sri Lankans have begun to think that the Malimawans are not actually serious about eliminating corruption, for they seem to be beholden to certain sleazy big businessmen for having contributed lavish funds to the JVP party coffers, and that they are succumbing to the neoliberal (open market) economic policies introduced 47 years ago that they then fought tooth and nail, even shedding their blood. They are now doing the exact opposite of what they promised.

 The resultant public dissent from these unexpected about-turns of the Malimawans could trigger not so gentle a reaction from them; the JVP has a history of resorting to violent repression out of a sense of righteous indignation based on their own logic. A Meta/FB video critical of the government uploaded by a Ranil Wickremasinghe supporter in Matale in central Sri Lanka went viral a couple of days ago. The FB activist was expressly visited by a local member of the JVP to warn him and demand that he take down the offensive video immediately, but he refused to do so, even after the JVPer issued a dire warning. This could be regarded as an early sign of possible, even probable, future authoritarian suppression of democratic dissent under the Malimawa administration. More serious similar cases of suppression of opposition (like the recent physical attack on a rival activist in Kamburupitiya) are becoming daily occurrences.

Does the current performance of the NPP promise a good enough change from the Gotabhaya Rajapaksa legacy to justify their arrogant intolerance of adverse criticism?

The previous presidential and parliamentary elections held respectively on November 16, 2019 and August 5, 2020 and won by Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Sri Lanka Podu Peramuna (SLPP or Pohottuwa) led by his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa would provide an informative contrast to those held respectively on September 21 and November 13, 2024 and won by Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of the JVP/NPP (Malimawa). There was a clear-cut policy framework to be implemented in a unitary state with a single legal system based on the One Country, One Law principle. A common judicial system for the whole country was considered so important for social cohesion in the multiethnic society and for national security that after assuming the office of president, GR appointed a presidential task force to prepare the ground for implementing the One Country One Law principle with the democratic consent of the general multiracial, multireligious multicultural public. The highest priority was given to national security. This was natural to a country just rescued from separatist terrorism. Other key election pledges included a homegrown people-focused economic development system with special attention to the semi urban and rural sectors, an independent, non-aligned foreign policy for maintaining well balanced friendly relations with other nations, a corruption-free civil administration, and a knowledge and technology-based society consisting of disciplined, law-abiding citizens committed to high moral and ethical values (as spelt out in the SLPP election manifesto of 2019).

 What the SLPP manifesto promised was a reinforcement of the successful economic policies of ten years of MR rule (2005-2014) which raised the country to the status of a middle-income country with a growth rate of 7-8% by the end of 2014 in terms of World Bank assessments. This was achieved while fighting a wasteful terror elimination war amidst powers that be throwing spanners in the works. Five years of Yahapalanaya (2015-2019) installed courtesy those sinister forces, reduced the country to penury and the growth rate down to 2-3%. Did the Malimawa manifesto promise anything different from the IMF dependent economic model followed during the Yahapalanaya?

The JVP/NPP manifesto of 2024 did not offer as clear a vision for the future as the SLPP one of 2019. The reputedly Marxist Malimawans promised to continue with the neoliberal economic reforms Ranil Wickremasinghe proposed in his Economic Transformation Bill of May 2024 in terms of which “…Foreign investments shall be permitted into all sectors and regions of Sri Lanka. Foreign investors shall be permitted to own one hundred per centum of the shares in entities engaged in such sectors and regions, unless otherwise determined by way of regulations made under the provision of this Part or any other written law…” in compliance with stringent IMF regulations that contra-Marxist Ranil Wickremasinghe had accepted. The budget proposals (announced February 17) are a hardly veiled confirmation of those economic policies.

 Days prior to the Budget debate, ex-MP Wimal Weerawansha, leader of the Jathika Nidahas Peramuna (National Freedom Front) who had remained a JVP member until 2008 described the JVP/NPP (Malimawa) as a left-neoliberal alliance. Essentially the Malimawa manifesto seems a virtual replication of economic and constitutional reforms the Yahapalanaya attempted after the foreign engineered regime change of 2015 (connected, in retrospect, with the ongoing USAID controversy).

At the Independence Day ceremony named Nava Yugayak Arambamu (Beginning of a New Era) held at the Independence Square in Colombo on February 04, 2025, president Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared: ‘Instead of celebrating the Independence Day with a backward look at the past, this time, we observe the day looking towards the future’. But he made passing mention of the republican change introduced in 1972 (probably only to salve his conscience). In his brief address, president Dissanayake repeated, with one important substitution, the famous Five Great Forces (Pancha Maha BalaWegaya) that the left leaning nationalist SWRD Bandaranaike, leader of the SLFP-led MEP (Mahajana Eksath Peramuna) mobilised while spearheading the historic soft revolution of 1956 (i.e., the democratic overthrow of the pro-West/rightwing UNP, that had ruled during the previous eight years). AKD left out the Sangha (Buddhist monk) Force, and included instead the Security departments (implying the security, civil defence, and police forces): Thus, he briefly touched on farmers and fishers, teachers, health personnel, security forces, and workers. The deliberate exclusion of the Sangha (Buddhists monks) as an influential section of the national polity was perhaps meant to emphasise his secular credentials, his ‘secular’ approach to governance.

This is not the first or the last time that his deliberate suppression of his own culturedness or his insensitive display of lack of it angered the baiyas, especially, the Sinhalese Buddhist majority who have no other country to proudly express and freely assert their hallowed, over two millennia old Buddhist cultural identity as a sovereign nation. His public desecration once of the pirith noola that the Mihintale monk tied on his arm as a blessing (by tearing it off as soon as he left the monk’s presence), his dispensing with the long established ritual of singing Jayamangala Gathas by a bevy of schoolgirls at the opening of parliament, and his curt dismissal of a monk’s offer to administer pansil as a customary blessing at the inauguration of a public party event recently at Kurunegala have not endeared him to the sensible public. AKD must get rid of his obsession with publicly showing off his ‘secularism’ (that I am 100% sure he, his party and followers have thoroughly misconceived) for his own good and more importantly, for the good of the country.

 It was rumoured that attempts were being made to revive the UNP by bringing the deserters back to its fold along with their leader Sajith Premadasa. At the time of writing this, the proposed reconciliation appears to have been worked through ahead of the impending Provincial Council elections. Despite this, it has also been hinted that the two groups are not likely to face the provincial council elections as a common front. One factor that would give AKD a sense of frustration in this context is: Although the well-known history of the aged politicos executing this latest manoeuvre who were key figures of the controversial Yahapalanaya regime (2015-19) whose unpopularity and bad governance paved the way for the resounding victory of Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 election, the voters of the North and East provinces might switch their allegiance back to Ranil and Sajith. The prospects of such attempts at bringing about a reconciliation between RW and SP succeeding looked rather dim before. But now, that is not the case. They seem to have patched up their relationship at least temporarily so as to pose a strong challenge to the NPP. This and other deft opposition moves will not augur well for the longevity of AKD’s fledgling presidency and the future functioning of his government.

 Behind the blown-up bravado that AKD attempts to maintain when abroad, he seems to be as shy as a cockroach. At home, he might be trying to fight shy of having to face the implications of the cockroach hypothesis of the efficient market theory (The cockroach hypothesis says that when a company announces bad news, more bad news is sure to follow).

But this is only to pep you up Mr. President.

 “Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them” as a character in a Shakespeare play says. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake! Please prove worthy of the greatness that you have both achieved by the dint of hard work and have also thrust upon yourself by the maelstrom of global politics. Please make use of the unprecedented opportunity you have won to save our beloved Motherland without selling her and her children down the river for short term political gain. I know that you, as a genuine baiya, are patriotic and self- denying. Good Luck to you! (Concluded) 



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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