Features
Digging into the politics of dissent
By Uditha Devapriya
Sri Lanka is a fractured state, divided along ethnic, economic, and ideological lines. It has seen its share of civil wars, insurrections, and pogroms. It has tried to learn the lessons of the past, only to fail miserably. It has tried to look to the future, but is yet to embrace it. What it will become eventually, no one knows. To pontificate on Sri Lanka is to speculate not just about what it has to turn to, but what it is now. An optimist will see it as a mosaic, a kaleidoscope. A cynic will see it as a divided country. That’s probably the cruellest irony: an island held together by groups at perpetual war with one another.
Yet commentators who depict the country as an “orientalist powder keg”, as Shiran Illanperuma memorably put it once, overlook its achievements, particularly those from the more recent past. Despite living under a succession of authoritarian regimes, people have exercised their will, turning out one government after another in record time. At times of crisis they have got together, rallying around a common cause. The most recent such cause, of course, was the resignation and removal of a deeply unpopular president. That he has been replaced by a man seen as a front for the family of the president they chased out has not deterred Sri Lankans from asking for further reforms.
I believe that when analysing the situation in Sri Lanka – not just the crisis, but any future development – we need to understand that while common causes bind people in their calls for these reforms, there are important differences that set some groups apart from others. Everyone wants change, but – and this is a point rarely acknowledged or appreciated – what change means can differ from person to person, or from class to class. This explains the lull among middle-class protesters after Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s exit on July 13 and the continuing agitation among student and Left activists. Such cleavages should not be ignored, much less trivialised. They need to be understood in all their complexity.
Popular uprisings against the establishment are made up of different interests and interest groups. They have different goals, and even if they share those goals with other groups, they seek to achieve them with different strategies and envision different outcomes. Sometimes these interests converge well, as when, in early May, trade unions promised an island-wide and indefinite strike and then backtracked on it with the excuse that if sectors like electricity and water went out of service, the protesters would be adversely affected. There was some solidarity there. But such dalliances are rare and temporary. We are living through what one could not have foreseen then: the fragmentation of these groups.
Such developments are hardly unique to Sri Lanka, or to contemporary social movements. China Miéville’s account of the October Revolution (October: The Story of the Russian Revolution, 2017, Verso) explains succinctly the fissures which emerged in the aftermath of the 20th century’s biggest anti-State uprising. These fissures never unified into a cohesive whole: that is why his ability to forge some unity makes Lenin one of the great political strategists of modern history. Yet the Russian Revolution required a Lenin to achieve some degree of unity. Sri Lanka as yet lacks such figures: they are nowhere to be found. What this means is that social movements here oscillate between superficial unity and underlying disunities, the protests at Gotagogama being perhaps the clearest example.
These disunities include a number of variables and factors, and are highly nuanced. Some, like political preferences, are obvious enough: if you want the UNP or the JVP come to power, you will go quiet – as most UNP supporters have now – when your preferred party takes over the government. Others, like cultural, religious, and social prejudices, are less clear, but are still evident if you look closely enough. Western commentators who wrote admiringly of the protesters’ commemoration of the war, of how the underlying attitude regarding May 18 had changed from uncritical celebration to sober reflection, failed to note that there was a group celebrating the war and demonising Rajapaksa for having betrayed the mandate that the war victory gave him and his family. What was being condemned here was not the war itself, but the distortion of it by the ruling political class.
Here we need to understand that the recent protests were unprecedented in the country’s history of protests and mass movements. Mark Beissinger of Princeton University has done some interesting research into modern urban civic revolutions. In The Revolutionary City: Urbanization and the Global Transformation of Rebellion (2022, Princeton University Press), he points out that the mood and tenor of such movements have changed since the 1990s, with the collapse of the Soviet Union. While common interests do bring people of all shades and from walks of life to such movements, to the city – which has immense symbolic value for anti-government protesters – not all these interests are moved by democratic impulses. Civic though these movements are, they cannot be squared with narratives that depict them as being moved by liberal concerns. This is true of the Gotagogama protests.
Arguably the most important point Beissinger makes in his book is that revolutions do not necessarily bring about what they seek to construct or reform. More often than not, such movements focus on movements and institutions, rather than systemic changes. What this means is that whoever comes to power in the wake of urban civic uprisings are compelled, whether against their better interests or not, to work with the same establishment and set-up that his or her predecessor – the target of the uprising – worked with. This forces them into an alliance with groups which were heavily associated with that predecessor, thereby entrenching the State. We are living through such a phase now, here. While the protests have fragmented into a plethora of interest groups, the State still has and wields the upper hand: as it did in the Philippines after Marcos, and Egypt after Mubarak.
Features
The Division Bell Mystery
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.
Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.
Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.
That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.
Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.
But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.
He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.
Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.
Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.
After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.
The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.
Features
The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive
The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.
At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.
Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.
In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.
Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.
The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.
Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.
In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.
The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.
It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.
Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.
On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.
That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’
In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.
In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’
True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.
Features
Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly
I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.
Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.
She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.
As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes
Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.
Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity
These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.
What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.
What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.
According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.
Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”
Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.
Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.
He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love
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