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Deadly bans, opposition blind spots and Dullas-GL group as factor

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By DR. DAYAN JAYATILLEKA

When President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s administration engaged in a ‘shock ban’ of a large number of items, I expected the Opposition’s economists to do exactly what they did when President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Dr PB Jayasundara did the same thing. That is, to denounce it to the high heavens, demanding “BUILD BRIDGES, NOT WALLS!” But no, when Ranil does what Gotabaya did, there is a deafening silence from the same quarters.

Ranil’s ban and the Opposition’s silence are especially dangerous because the items listed include material vital for the maintenance of our railways which are used by large numbers of commuters. The banned items include rail air brakes, fire fighting vehicles, rail locomotives, railway signaling equipment, railway coaches, wooden railway sleepers, safety headgear, steam turbines, boilers, diesel engines.In the absence of these items, the already depleted railway system could begin to malfunction even more than it currently does, leading to the most horrendous accidents, causing large numbers of deaths and maiming.

Come to think of it, that may be an opportunity to make a case for privatizing the railways and selling them off to local or foreign “investors”.

Maybe that’s why the ‘Economic Ranilists’ in politics and civil society are not voicing opposition to the ban?

Ranil’s ban includes many items necessary for the maintenance of industrial plant and infrastructure, agriculture, and production of goods and services locally: Machinery for making paper or paper board, book sewing machines, printing machines, lathes, weaving machines (looms), knitting machines, ploughs, harvesting machines, dairy machinery, poultry incubators, machinery for preparing animal feed, machinery for cleaning, sorting or grading seeds, duplicating machines, machinery for the extraction or preparing of animal or ‘fixed’ vegetable fats or oils, gaskets, safety headgear, boilers, ship cranes, fork lift trucks, hoses, gas and water gas generators.

Industries of all sorts from manufacturing to dairy and poultry, and even agriculture could collapse due to these items being banned. Here too, if these do collapse, one supposes that foreigners could be asked to set up in those sectors! Hence the silence from the usual suspects, the free-market fundamentalists.

SJB SELF-TRAPPED

The Opposition as it stands is caught in a self-designed trap. The trap wasn’t designed by Ranil Wickremesinghe but it has been triggered by him and the Opposition has still to extricate itself.The main Opposition party the SJB is trapped by the declared statement of its designated economic troika that they endorse and support President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s economic policy doctrine.

In the context of a deep economic crisis, if the economic policy-makers of the Opposition support in the main, the economic policy of the ruler, an economic policy that will cause tremendous hardship, then there is a severe limitation on the capacity of the SJB to oppose the government. This is a completely unnecessary dilemma, given that the SJB has as an asset of inestimable value, the economic policy doctrine, model and example of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, a proven success story in rescuing the country and rapidly growing its economy.

It is now increasingly evident that the SJB contains two tendencies: those who regard Ranasinghe Premadasa as a greater inspiration than Ranil Wickremesinghe and those who regard Ranil and the late Mangala Samaraweera as greater than Ranasinghe Premadasa. The former regard Sajith Premadasa as their only leader, while the latter seem to have a two-tier loyalty structure in which their immediate, temporary leader is Sajith but their Supreme Leader is Ranil.

Dr Ravi Rannan-Eliya’s IHP/SLOTS tracker data clearly shows that the erosion of SJB votes and their switch to the JVP-JJB is traceable to the loss of the Nov 2019 Sajith Premadasa presidential election vote-base, which in turn is due to the pivot from his (Ranasinghe Premadasa-ist) ‘developmental-populism’ to a policy discourse heavily weighted towards the neoliberalism of his economic policy troika.What is noteworthy is that the first ‘Premadasa-ist’ tendency does not comprise of leftists from outside the UNP, but precisely those like Imtiaz Bakeer Markar, a second generation UNPer. The second, ‘Ranilist’ tendency consists of those whose UNP experience is solely limited to the disastrous Ranil quarter-century with its neoliberal ideology, but were also minions of Ranil during one or both of his stints as PM (2001-2003, 2015-2019).

JVP-JJB JAMMED-UP?

The other important component of the Opposition—now perhaps the leading component—is the Left, consisting of the JVP-JJB and the FSP. Though in terms of parliamentary politics, we could simply limit it to the JVP-JJB, the main weakness is common to the Lankan Left as a whole. It is the absence of a declared, credible macro-economic alternative, fronted or backed by economists of mainstream repute.

This again is an unnecessary weakness and is easily bridgeable, because the first economist I heard focusing on the debt crisis and its effects on the economy as a whole– and this was many years ago, to an audience which included Mahinda Rajapaksa, who chaired most of the day-long meeting, was Prof Sumanasiri Liyanage, Sri Lanka’s most notable Marxist economist (not counting Prof Howard Nicholas)! Prof Sumanasiri Liyanage and Dr. Ahilan Kadirgamar could easily chart a progressive, pro-people path out of the crisis, but I have yet to see the Left produce a policy plan co-authored and signed by them.

There are two further weaknesses of the JVP-JJB which could cost them everything they have built so far. One is the refusal to entertain the idea of a united front, even in the face of Pohottuwa officials naming at media briefings, Anura Kumara Dissanayaka and Sunil Handunetti (JVP-JJB), as well as Kumara Gunaratnam (FSP), as conspiring to overthrow the democratic system by extra-constitutional means. The net of repression is beginning to descend on both parties but only the FSP has called for two united fronts: a political united front of all democratic parties, and a workers united front against privatization and cutbacks.

The third weakness, is that the JVP-JJB while very correctly campaigning for an early parliamentary election, avoids the elephant in the room: even if it wins such an election, which is possible, even likely, the President, Defence Minister and Commander-in-Chief will remain Ranil Wickremesinghe who will have no hesitation whatsoever in signaling Secretary/Defence (Retd) General Kamal Gunaratna to use live ammunition against demonstrations, however colossal they may be. The JVP-JJB must logically call for a snap president election as well, but it fails to do so.

SLFP, 10-PARTY SUICIDE

The third space in the Opposition consists of the Centrist and Center-Left currents. At the moment, these are the SLFP and the 9-party group (the Union of Independent Parties). The first is led by President Maithripala Sirisena and the second, which should have been led by Vasudeva Nanayakkara, is headed by Wimal Weerawansa.

Both these currents have lost their way. While Maithripala Sirisena often strikes the correct note, speaking with the benefit of experience, the SLFP contains several personalities who are in their track shoes awaiting to make a running-jump into President Ranil’s administration. There are a few free-floating individuals like Chaminda Weerakkody and Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, who are pretty good on policy issues but are of no fixed political abode.

As for the 9 -or 10 party grouping, it blotted its copybook by voting for the Emergency and has followed it up with the Weerawansa party’s vicious attacks on the Aragalaya and support for “investigation into the conspiracy”. This is the same bitterness with which the Old Left denounced Wijeweera’s JVP as a “CIA conspiracy” and cold lack of sympathy or empathy it displayed towards the youth uprising of April 1971, the brutality of the suppression of which completely undermined the moral legitimacy of the United Front Government and decimated the Left electorally in 1977.

This ‘Union of Independent Parties’ seems ideologically closer to Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena than to anyone else. Given that the PM is part of the Rajapaksa bloc which is propping up and being propped up by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, the traditional adversary of the center-left, I see no electoral future for the Wimal-led ‘union’.

DULLAS-GL GROUP

There is however, hope for the important Center-left space and tradition in the island’s politics. A new entity seems to be struggling to be born. That is the Dullas Alahapperuma-GL Peiris group of ‘SLPP Reformists’. It has several strengths, some of which are manifest, others, potential.

· It is bigger than a splinter group in parliamentary numbers, running as it does into double-digits.

· It’s personalities have national name-recognition. It is not a one-man show.

· It’s collective brain-power as manifested in academic and professional credentials — starting with Prof GL Peiris–arguably exceeds that of any other formation in Parliament. Dr. Charitha Herath and Dr. Nalaka Godahewa can match anyone in a substantive policy debate. To produce a realistic economic rescue package/roadmap and negotiate with the IMF, I’d bet on GL-Charitha-Nalaka over Harsha-Eran-Kabir on any given day.

· Dullas Alahapperuma, a prominent SLPPer whose house was not burned on May 9th, is a parliamentarian of rare civility and integrity, whose progressive ideological discourse expresses and extends the best of the SLFP-JO-SLPP experiences.

· The SLPP’s option for the long-standing enemy of the center-left voters, Ranil Wickremesinghe, the vacillation of the SLFP and the 10-party group, and the unfortunate circumscription of the SJB’s progressive center-left appeal and potential by its neoliberal ‘economic Ranilists’, gives the Dullas-GL group a clear field on the center-left, if it chooses a New Middle Path and a 21st century social democratic project. If, in short, it can be the 21st century successor to SWRD Bandaranaike and the SLFP of 1951-1955, before the travesty of Sinhala Only in 1956.

However, it must be said realistically, that in the first stage, the new formation will have the potential of a new, progressive project, partnering and allying with either Sajith Premadasa’s SJB, or Anura Kumara’s JVP-JJB, or ideally, both, in a broad democratic bloc.



Opinion

A new dawn for Sri Lanka

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by Ayampillai Dharmakulasingham,
(Retired Sri Lankan career diplomat)

The Communist Party of India won Legislative Assembly elections in the Indian states of West Bengal and Kerala, establishing their respective governments. Leftist parties were also influential in some other states, especially in Tamil Nadu, though they could not capture power there.

In Sri Lanka, JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s rise to the presidency marks a new chapter in the country’s history. The upcoming general election, on 14 Nov. holds significant importance and has raised hopes that Sri Lanka is undergoing a transitional period for good. It may mark the first time a left-wing party comes to power in Sri Lanka. There are other factors that make the upcoming election important. Major political parties have become notorious for corruption, mismanagement of national resources, family dynasties, elitist politics, etc. Corruption has been widespread throughout government, accompanied by nepotism, lack of transparency, and mismanagement of public funds

It is indeed true that the JVP’s presence in the northern and eastern regions, is not as strong as in the south, such as Galle, Matara, Hambantota, Anuradhapura, Kurunegala, and other districts. However, Anura’s popularity has drawn attention in the north as well. For the first time, substantial support appears to be emerging for the JVP in the northern and district districts of Jaffna, Batticaloa, Ampara, and Trincomalee. However, every parliamentary election has been similarly heralded as “historic” by the press and media, though often without substance. The major parties – the United National Party, Sri Lanka Freedom Party, and Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna – have ruled Sri Lanka repeatedly, with the media often playing a supportive role by portraying each election as historic, ultimately misleading the public.

Sri Lanka’s first left-wing political party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), once had widespread support across the country and grew powerful enough to become a significant opposition force. The plantation population, in particular, supported both the LSSP and the Communist Party. The LSSP achieved major victories in parliamentary elections after the 1940s. In response, the first Prime Minister, D. S. Senanayake, revoked the citizenship of people of Indian origin, stripping them of their political rights. As a result, the LSSP lost a significant portion of its support base. When the citizenship rights of people of Indian origin were revoked, the prominent Tamil leader G. G. Ponnambalam served as a key Minister in the UNP Cabinet. Although he opposed the provisions of the Act within the Cabinet, Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake ultimately prevailed. Despite his opposition, Ponnambalam failed to take meaningful action to protect the political rights of the hill-country Tamil population. This perceived betrayal led S. J. V. Chelvanayakam to leave the Tamil Congress Party and establish the Federal Party.

In the northern and eastern regions, the parties and organizations that once formed the traditional alliances of the Tamil Alliance and other Tamil parties have fragmented. They are now contesting the general election as separate alliances. Like it or not, the Federal Party remains somewhat influential today, although its support base is not as strong as it once was

Tamil parties have often criticized and blamed the major national parties as being racist. Ironically, most Tamil political parties – such as Thamil Arasu Katchi, Tamil Congress, and the Tamil National Alliance – include “Tamil” in their names. In contrast, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, United National Party, and Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna do not reference any race in their names. Yet, Tamil parties have continued to win elections by appealing to Tamil-speaking people with claims that only the major parties are racist. Some insights into racism are important here. Muslim citizens representing major parties have been elected as members of Parliament in predominantly Sinhala areas. However, the stark reality is that the Muslim population in the North and East has been alienated by the Jaffna-centered major Tamil parties.

G. G. Ponnambalam, the leader of the Tamil Congress, advocated for 50/50 representation for the Sinhalese and other ethnic groups, despite the fact that Sinhalese people are the majority. This 50/50 representation demand is seen as an extremely racist slogan. In other words, he openly undermined the representation and political rights of the majority Sinhalese people. S. J. V. Chelvanayakam left the Tamil Congress and founded the Federal Party due to G. G. Ponnambalam’s perceived betrayal of the upcountry Tamils. However, Chelvanayakam’s own performance was not markedly better than that of Ponnambalam. Chelvanayakam’s own words deserve attention. In 1970, when the SLFP coalition swept the parliamentary elections, Chelvanayakam famously declared, “Only God should save the Tamils from now on.” It is essential to closely examine the underlying implications of this statement. The first implication is that the UNP government is preferable. The second is that Sirimao’s party will not benefit the Tamils. Notably, Chelvanayakam’s loyalty to the UNP correlates with the historical voting patterns of the Tamil (Jaffna) people, who have traditionally supported UNP candidates in all elections within the Colombo Municipal limits and the adjoining areas of Dehiwela and Ratmalana.

On 27 Oct., a book titled “Jaffna on Fire” (Tamil version) was launched in Jaffna. Original Sinhalese book was translated by well-known media personality and translator, Manoranchan, into Tamil.  The author, Nandana Weerasekhara, presented evidence that the Jaffna Public Library, modern market, and other locations were set on fire during the presidency of J. R. Jayewardene, allegedly with his blessing. Another notable aspect is that Tamil leaders, both before and after this incident, provided full political support to the UNP.

President Dissanayake’s NPP is expected to win significantly in the upcoming general elections. This expectation arises from the fact that most Sri Lankans are seeking change. President Dissanayake has emphasised the need to elect representatives from the NPP in large numbers to cleanse the Parliament. It is understandable that the President requires a strong Parliament to effectively govern the country with new legislative measures. During a meeting in Kilinochchi on 04 Nov., Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya captured the attention of the audience by stating that Parliament should be cleansed. She emphasised the importance of electing the right representatives in the upcoming general elections. The overwhelming response from the audience reaffirmed the prevailing mood of the country.

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Opinion

Franklyn Amerasinghe: an appreciation

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Amerasinghe

It was 1979. I had just married and was trying to manage my fledgling legal practice in Kurunegala when Franklyn Amerasinghe attracted me to the Employers Federation of Ceylon (EFC). I basically followed what he did 5yrs earlier; the exception being that when he left Kurunegala, he also left a lucrative Practice built by his late father. From then onwards, for the next 45 years he was my colleague, boss, friend and above all; professional and personal guide. I was indeed fortunate as a young professional in the EFC to have had S R de Silva, the doyen of Sri Lankan Industrial Relations and the late Franklyn as my bosses. I am ever grateful to them both for whatever I achieved professionally; ending my working career with the International Labour Organisation in which they served with distinction before me.

I will not dwell herein on the professional attributes and achievements of Franklyn. Neither can I do justice to that aspect in this short piece.  Instead, I will attempt to capture what I knew of Franklyn the man. He was personally exposed to the vicissitudes of life in his youth and again thereafter when his loving wife Neelanthi passed away while their two daughters were still school going. These circumstances which would have drained a lesser mortal brought out the best in Franklyn’s innate strong character. Whilst being the devoted father to his young children and successfully managing his professional career, he was also the “go-to person” to so many in need of professional or personal help.  With his children grown up and on their own feet, the demands on Franklyn’s time from others only increased. Regardless of social or official status, old or young, he gave wise counsel ungrudgingly and always found time for them. What fascinated me was his ability to make all those who knew him feel that there was a special place in his heart for each of them. They in turn considered him to be special.

Perhaps, it was this unique gift that enabled him to give inspirational leadership to those who worked with him. His faith in humanity was boundless. He genuinely believed that no person was useless.  It was this faith that drew him to help the helpless. Few would know of all what he has done or the sacrifices he has made, to assist the less fortunate get on their feet, without breathing a word of what he had given or lost in the process. The “Diamond Trust” he initiated with the support of close friends and family in later years to facilitate learning for handicapped children was a dream come true for him. The Trust was his precious baby in the last days of his life.  His wish to see the baby nurtured into adulthood is now in the able hands of his daughters and family.  While he will be remembered for his philosophical strengths, he will also not be forgotten by those of us who knew him personally for his social camaraderie. A sportsman himself, he loved sports. So was it with music. His wit and humour was infectious. Many were the long hours he spent with family and friends signing old favourites around a Piano, late into the night at parties. This sense of camaraderie he shared with his office colleagues as well.

We who were at the EFC with him, will recall the family atmosphere he promoted among us. He was truly a man for all seasons. It was my privilege to have had known Franklyn. It will not be easy to fill the void he has left in my life and that of my family. The last audible words he said to me were “I will soon let you know what it is like on the other side” I know for certain that wherever he may be the grass there will be far greener than on this earth. To Michelle and Sharon, the loving daughters of a devoted Father, the tender care you showered on Dad, particularly in his final days was truly exemplary.

Gotabaya Dasanayaka

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Opinion

Social responsibility of the media

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In Sri Lanka, established media channels, particularly television, play a crucial role in shaping public perception on various aspects of life, including both local and international politics. Social media, however, has also become a powerful force, frequently spreading biased or manipulated content that risks fragmenting communities and damaging the social fabric, especially during sensitive times such as general or presidential elections.

Sri Lanka’s media has long been aware of the full spectrum of public life in the country—the good, the bad, and the troubling. They understand that political corruption and malpractice have significantly contributed to social unrest, economic decline, and the deterioration of essential services like education, healthcare, and nutrition. This has prompted many citizens to emigrate, leading to a damaging “brain drain.”

Media outlets also recognise the challenges in electing better leaders. Entrenched politicians have erected legal and financial barriers to safeguard their positions, making it difficult for ordinary citizens to participate effectively in elections. Additionally, the high cost of media exposure during election seasons makes it nearly impossible for average citizens to run for office. While media organisations often use this period to maximise profits, it would be commendable if they could support underrepresented and less privileged candidates, contributing to the public good.

As we approach a pivotal general election, we urge these influential media institutions to uphold their social responsibility. Since media ultimately relies on public support, directly or indirectly, they have to prioritise the public interest. At this critical moment, we, as citizens, need to elect honourable, honest, and patriotic individuals who can act as “watchdogs” in Parliament and help guide our nation toward better governance. We respectfully request that significant media outlets dedicate at least a small amount of airtime to non-political candidates vying for a seat in Parliament. Providing even a few minutes of prime airtime for these candidates to present their mission and vision would be a meaningful gesture toward equal representation. This commitment to the nation’s well-being would be widely appreciated. After all, true equality—the very principle that media frequently champions for its own survival—is now an ideal that can extend to all.

Chula Goonasekera (admin@srilankaleads.com)

On behalf of the LEADS forum

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