Features
Cuba Starving: Global South Yawning
Washington’s self-appointed viceroy for Cuba, Marco Rubio, is squeezing his parents’ homeland with a precision that borders on cruelty, transforming a nation of 10 million into a theatre for American power projection. This is economic and human engineering disguised as strategic manoeuvre. The United States is testing Cuba’s endurance, wagering that deprivation, blackouts, rationing and fear will fracture the island’s resolve more effectively than bullets ever could. Recent reports indicate that around 33,000 pregnant women face immediate and severe health risks as a consequence of Washington’s fuel blockade, imperiling newborns, children and patients in urgent need of medical care. This is punishment for defiance: for daring to exist outside the Western script, for refusing the orbit of neoliberal obedience. Yet the central question is not what Donald Trump and his administration are doing.
The real question is: where is the Global South? While Cuba endures this slow attrition, the self-proclaimed chorus of anti-imperial solidarity remains conspicuously mute. There are no flotillas, no mobilized volunteers, no sustained humanitarian presence—only press releases, anodyne condemnations and moral posturing from governments that struggle to manage their own domestic failures. “Strategic autonomy“, the favoured slogan of these states, reveals itself here as an empty abstraction: a rhetorical mirror held up to the powerless while their neighbours suffer tangible collapse. What is unfolding in Cuba is not a distant drama but a stark demonstration of how the Global South’s façade can conceal impotence, complicity and, ultimately, moral vacuity.
Cuba is in free fall. The lights are out across Havana and Santiago de Cuba. Airports have halted operations; the jet fuel is gone. Buses have stopped running. Trucks lie idle, streets overflow with refuse, and embassies are evacuating or downsizing staff. The economy, long fragile, now teeters on systemic collapse: oil imports are blocked, remittances have dropped precipitously, and the regime’s doctor-export programme—the single most lucrative source of hard currency—is being dismantled. The White House has deployed its latest variant of coercion: targeted economic strangulation and surgical diplomatic isolation, designed to compel compliance without risking American casualties or invoking international outrage.
This is not a hypothetical scenario. The Cuban people live in it now. Hospitals operate under fuel rationing, operations are postponed indefinitely, and medicine is unavailable. Children are malnourished. Pregnant women are imperiled. Entire communities burn charcoal to cook basic meals while enduring rolling blackouts that last up to 20 hours a day.
President Miguel Díaz-Canel frames this crisis as an opportunity for “creative resistance” and pledges dialogue with Washington “without preconditions“, invoking sovereignty and national dignity. But the abstractions of political rhetoric cannot feed infants, restore electricity, or prevent the spread of disease. Fifty years of dependence on Soviet and Venezuelan subsidies have rendered the state structurally brittle. The sudden withdrawal of Venezuelan oil, coupled with the blockage of other suppliers, has exposed weaknesses long obscured by ideology. Washington exploits those weaknesses with a precision that leaves no room for moral ambiguity. Hunger, illness and infrastructural collapse are not collateral damage—they are the instruments of coercion, applied systematically.
This is where the Global South fails spectacularly. Nations that lecture endlessly on solidarity, equity and resistance do nothing when a real-world example of suffering emerges. Their proclamations about strategic autonomy dissolve in the face of material deprivation. Rhetoric about opposing imperialism is meaningless when no tangible measures alleviate the suffering of millions. Cuban citizens are not abstractions; they are human beings trapped between the coercive external power of the United States and a domestic state incapable of meeting their needs. The moral authority these governments claim is entirely self-declared—and entirely hollow. When Cuba burns, the Global South does not rush to extinguish the flames; it offers commentary and symbolism that serve to soothe its own conscience rather than aid the victims.
History, however, shows that Cuba is extraordinarily resilient. The regime survived the Bay of Pigs, assassination plots, Operation Mongoose, the collapse of Soviet support and decades of embargoes. Even the catastrophic Special Period of the 1990s, when oil imports dried up and caloric intake plummeted, failed to topple the government. Cubans endured rationing, blackouts and scarcity, and the regime endured alongside them. But today’s vulnerability is unprecedented. The erosion of Venezuelan support has removed Havana’s primary regional lifeline. Russia is consumed elsewhere; China has not filled the vacuum. Cuba now faces economic coercion that is as targeted and relentless as it is systemic.
What makes the present moment particularly jarring is how sharply it collides with the moral vocabulary that once animated the Cuban project itself. When Che Guevara wrote that “the true revolutionary is guided by great feelings of love,” he was not indulging in romantic flourish but articulating an ethical claim: that resistance to domination was inseparable from responsibility to human dignity. Likewise, when Fidel Castro declared that “revolution is a sense of the historical moment; it is changing everything that must be changed,” he implied adaptability, a willingness to reform structures that no longer served the population. The tragedy now is that both the external siege and the internal rigidity have converged to betray those original premises. A state forged in the language of emancipation finds itself unable to materially safeguard its citizens, while the international actors who once celebrated Cuba as a symbol of defiance treat its suffering as background noise in a larger geopolitical contest.
Meanwhile, Trump’s strategy is transactional and precise. Military invasion is off the table; instead, scarcity itself becomes leverage. Restrictions on remittances, pressure on suppliers, and the dismantling of overseas medical networks collectively form a mechanism designed to compel compliance without open confrontation. Regime change is not required; compliance and conditional co-operation are sufficient. It is a low bar, yet one calibrated with unusual precision.
Here, the Global South exposes its own contradictions. Governments that speak loudly of anti-imperialism while ignoring real-world suffering reveal a profound dissonance between rhetoric and action. Strategic autonomy is meaningless when it cannot translate into the protection of civilians. Solidarity is performative when it consists of communiques instead of material assistance. Moral posturing, in the absence of tangible support, becomes a betrayal of the very principles these nations claim to uphold.
The crisis is neither hypothetical nor temporary. Cuba’s social fabric, already frayed, is under relentless strain from blackouts, empty hospitals, fuel shortages, rising prices and disrupted food distribution. Daily existence has become precarious, dictated by what electricity is available, what fuel can be secured and what remains on shop shelves. Human suffering is measured in hours of darkness, days without water and the caloric deficits endured by children, the elderly and the sick.
For decades, the Cuban state cultivated an image of endurance—of moral superiority over external pressure. Yet rhetoric cannot substitute for infrastructure. Ideology cannot substitute for medicine. National pride cannot substitute for food. The people are paying the price for an abstract contest between power and principle.
And while they endure, much of the world that claims to represent an alternative order remains passive. The consequence of this inaction is blunt: Cuba’s crisis is intensified not only by external pressure but also by the absence of meaningful international relief from those who speak most loudly of solidarity. The contrast is unavoidable. A country that once dispatched doctors across the developing world now struggles to sustain its own population. Do we need anything more to understand the illusion we are living in—an illusion marketed as “multipolarity“?
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
Features
Digital transformation in the Global South
Understanding Sri Lanka through the India AI Impact Summit 2026
Artificial Intelligence (AI) has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies but can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organisations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centred and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.
People friendly AI
One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages, and smartphones, play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.
Transformation in education sector
The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalised lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources, similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.
Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms, or medical images, and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.
Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyse rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.
Employment and communication reshaped
Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills, such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.
Impact on Sri Lanka
The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.
Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalised digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travellers directly.
Digital inequality
However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are, therefore, essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programmes are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.
Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must, therefore, move beyond memorisation toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.
AI contribution to national development
In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.
Symbolic shift
Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society, but transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.
by Milinda Mayadunna
Features
Governance cannot be a postscript to economics
The visit by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to Sri Lanka was widely described as a success for the government. She was fulsome in her praise of the country and its developmental potential. The grounds for this success and collaborative spirit go back to the inception of the agreement signed in March 2023 in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s declaration of international bankruptcy. The IMF came in to fulfil its role as lender of last resort. The government of the day bit the bullet. It imposed unpopular policies on the people, most notably significant tax increases. At a moment when the country had run out of foreign exchange, defaulted on its debt, and faced shortages of fuel, medicine and food, the IMF programme restored a measure of confidence both within the country and internationally.
Since 1965 Sri Lanka has entered into agreements with the IMF on 16 occasions none of which were taken to their full term. The present agreement is the 17th agreement . IMF agreements have traditionally been focused on economic restructuring. Invariably the terms of agreement have been harsh on the people, with priority being given to ensure the debtor country pays its loans back to the IMF. Fiscal consolidation, tax increases, subsidy reductions and structural reforms have been the recurring features. The social and political costs have often been high. Governments have lost popularity and sometimes fallen before programmes were completed. The IMF has learned from experience across the world that macroeconomic reform without social protection can generate backlash, instability and policy reversals.
The experience of countries such as Greece, Ireland and Portugal in dealing with the IMF during the eurozone crisis demonstrated the political and social costs of austerity, even though those economies later stabilised and returned to growth. The evolution of IMF policies has ensured that there are two special features in the present agreement. The first is that the IMF has included a safety net of social welfare spending to mitigate the impact of the austerity measures on the poorest sections of the population. No country can hope to grow at 7 or 8 percent per annum when a third of its people are struggling to survive. Poverty alleviation measures in the Aswesuma programme, developed with the agreement of the IMF, are key to mitigating the worst impacts of the rising cost of living and limited opportunities for employment.
Governance Included
The second important feature of the IMF agreement is the inclusion of governance criteria to be implemented alongside the economic reforms. It goes to the heart of why Sri Lanka has had to return to the IMF repeatedly. Economic mismanagement did not take place in a vacuum. It was enabled by weak institutions, politicised decision making, non-transparent procurement, and the erosion of checks and balances. In its economic reform process, the IMF has included an assessment of governance related issues to accompany the economic restructuring process. At the top of this list is tackling the problem of corruption by means of publicising contracts, ensuring open solicitation of tenders, and strengthening financial accountability mechanisms.
The IMF also encouraged a civil society diagnostic study and engaged with civil society organisations regularly. The civil society analysis of governance issues which was promoted by Verite Research and facilitated by Transparency International was wider in scope than those identified in the IMF’s own diagnostic. It pointed to systemic weaknesses that go beyond narrow fiscal concerns. The civil society diagnostic study included issues of social justice such as the inequitable impact of targeting EPF and ETF funds of workers for restructuring and the need to repeal abuse prone laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Online Safety Act. When workers see their retirement savings restructured without adequate consultation, confidence in policy making erodes. When laws are perceived to be instruments of arbitrary power, social cohesion weakens.
During a meeting between the IMF Managing Director Georgeiva and civil society members last week, there was discussion on the implementation of those governance measures in which she spoke in a manner that was not alien to the civil society representatives. Significantly, the civil society diagnostic report also referred to the ethnic conflict and the breakdown of interethnic relations that led to three decades of deadly war, causing severe economic losses to the country. This was also discussed at the meeting. Governance is not only about accounting standards and procurement rules. It is about social justice, equality before the law, and political representation. On this issue the government has more to do. Ethnic and religious minorities find themselves inadequately represented in high level government committees. The provincial council system that ensured ethnic and minority representation at the provincial level continues to be in abeyance.
Beyond IMF
The significance of addressing governance issues is not only relevant to the IMF agreement. It is also important in accessing tariff concessions from the European Union. The GSP Plus tariff concession given by the EU enables Sri Lankan exports to be sold at lower prices and win markets in Europe. For an export dependent economy, this is critical. Loss of such concessions would directly affect employment in key sectors such as apparel. The government needs to address longstanding EU concerns about the protection of human rights and labour rights in the country. The EU has, for several years, linked the continuation of GSP Plus to compliance with international conventions. This includes the condition that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) be brought into line with international standards. The government’s alternative in the form of the draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PTSA) is less abusive on paper but is wider in scope and retains the core features of the PTA.
Governance and social justice factors cannot be ignored or downplayed in the pursuit of economic development. If Sri Lanka is to break out of its cycle of crisis and bailout, it must internalise the fact that good governance which promotes social justice and more fairly distributes the costs and fruits of development is the foundation on which durable economic growth is built. Without it, stabilisation will remain fragile, poverty will remain high, and the promise of 7 to 8 percent growth will remain elusive. The implementation of governance reforms will also have a positive effect through the creative mechanism of governance linked bonds, an innovation of the present IMF agreement.
The Sri Lankan think tank Verité Research played an important role in the development of governance linked bonds. They reduce the rate of interest payable by the government on outstanding debt on the basis that better governance leads to a reduction in risk for those who have lent their money to Sri Lanka. This is a direct financial reward for governance reform. The present IMF programme offers an opportunity not only to stabilise the economy but to strengthen the institutions that underpin it. That opportunity needs to be taken. Without it, the country cannot attract investment, expand exports and move towards shared prosperity and to a 7-8 percent growth rate that can lift the country out of its debt trap.
by Jehan Perera
Features
MISTER Band … in the spotlight
It’s a good sign, indeed, for the local scene, to see artistes, who have not been very much in the limelight, now making their presence felt, in a big way, and I’m glad to give them the publicity they deserve.
On 10th February we had Yellow Beatz in the spotlight and this week it’s MISTER Band.
This outfit is certainly not new to our scene; they have been around since 2012, under the leadership of Sithum Waidyarathne.
The seven energetic members who make up MISTER Band are:
Sithum Waidyarathne (leader/founder/saxophonist/guitarist and vocalist), Rangana Seram (bass guitarist), Vihanga Liyanage (vocalist), Ridmi Dissanayake (female vocalist), Nuwan Cristo (keyboardist/vocalist), Kasun Thennakoon (lead guitarist), and Nuwan Madushanka (drummer).
According to Sithum, their vision is to provide high quality entertainmen to those who engage their services.
“Thanks to our engaging performances and growing popularity, MISTER Band continues to be in high demand … at weddings, corporate events and dinner dances,” said Sithum.
They predominantly cover English and Sinhala music, as well as the most popular genres.
And the reviews that come their way, after a performance, are excellent, they say, and this is one of the bouquets they received:
It was a pleasure to have you at our wedding. Being avid music fans we wanted the best music, not just a big named band, and you guys acceded that expectations. Big thanks to Sithum for being very supportive, attentive and generous.
- Sithum Waidyarathne: Band leader and founder
- Ridmi Dissanayake: MISTER Band’s female vocalist
The best thing is the post feedback from all the guests. Normally we get mixed reviews but the whole crowd was impressed by you.
MISTER Band was one of our best choices for our wedding.
What is interesting is that for the past four consecutive years, this outfit has performed overseas, during New Year’s Eve, thereby taking their music to the international stage, as well.
The band has also produced a collection of original songs, with around six original tracks composed by the band leader, Sithum Waidyarathne, including ‘Suraganak Dutuwa,’ ‘Landuni,’ ‘Dili Dili Payana,’ ‘Hada Wedana,’ and ‘Nil Kandu Athare.’
Two more songs are set to be released this month: ‘Hitha Norida’ and ‘Premaye Hanguman.’
In addition to their original music, they have also created a strong online presence by performing and uploading over 50 cover songs and medleys to YouTube.
“We’re now planning to connect with an even wider audience by releasing more cover content very soon,” said Sithum, adding that they are also very active on social media, under the name Mister Band Official – on Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok.
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