Features
Critiquing the NPP and JVP

By Uditha Devapriya
In many electoral democracies, there seems to be a tendency to critique the left rather than the liberal centre or the right during elections. This has been so for two main reasons. First, the left – in whatever form – is associated, rightly or wrongly, with socialist or communist forms of governance, which are seen as passé and out of step with the times. Second, while many left-wing parties are open and transparent about their policies, many others opt for secrecy, either because they are averse to making their internal processes available for public consumption or because they feel that they are at the receiving end of attacks from other parties, especially those on the centre and right.
That it took time for this critique of the NPP or JVP – namely, that it lacks a commitment to democratic principles and is not transparent enough – to come out into the open should come as a surprise. Yet there is hardly anything new about it. The more coherent of the NPP’s – for sake of clarity I will call it NPP-JVP from here on – critics have always hailed from the liberal-centrist and centre-right crowd. Their argument has been that the NPP-JVP’s position on minorities, on checks and balances, indeed on the underlying tenets of what is framed as liberal democracy – has been problematic at best and contentious at worst. On those grounds, they point out that while it presents itself as an alternative, voters need to be aware of its positions on these issues before selecting them.
The NPP-JVP should, obviously, be critiqued. I have my own criticisms of the party, above all else its inability to resolve a fundamental disjuncture between what the NPP is saying and what the Old Guard of the JVP is saying. However, to assume that this is relevant only to the NPP-JVP would be disingenuous. The SJB, too, has been making statements that seem wildly divergent, or contradictory, particularly on issues like debt restructuring. As for the SLPP – the pro-Ranil Wickremesinghe faction, which has morphed into what can only be called an electoral abomination, the Podujana Nidahas Eksath Peramuna (PNEP) – the less said about its stance on economic reforms and its election gimmicks, the better.
The NPP-JVP has also seen itself as above everyone else, in the sense that it projects a deep-seated aversion to coalition politics. As I have argued in my column last week, that begs the question as to what it will do in the event it wins presidential elections. With prominent MPs taking to the stage and gloating about the many breakaway rebel MPs from the SLPP whom they turned away on account of their lack of political pedigree, one wonders whether they will stick to this narrative after election season, or whether they will, like so many other left-wing parties the world over, forge alliances with those same “despicables.”
This, however, is as far as my critique of the NPP-JVP will go. They are not unresolvable flaws, and they are hardly specific to the party or alliance. Indeed, if anything, the NPP-JVP’s parliamentary presence has compelled it to moderate its stances – as the debates, among its supporters, over hitherto sensitive questions such as the minorities issue or the Executive Presidency show – to a far greater extent than, say, its main rival on the left, the Alliance for People’s Struggle (APS). I am still not sure who will win the upcoming election, but I am sure that it will be won by the party that puts together the broadest possible alliance and moves to the centre. Whether the NPP-JVP can do this is a matter of debate.
It is laughable, if not ridiculous, however, to censure the NPP and JVP based on its fidelity, assumed or real, to communist and “totalitarian” forms of governance. It is also intriguing that this hazy critique of the party is coming from the liberal or left-liberal camp, a crowd which prides itself on its tolerant and pluralist character. Of course, the counterargument to this is that the NPP-JVP’s political structure is anything but tolerant and pluralist. But to assume that the party adheres to specific form of politics would be to engage in the same kind of straw-manning, and red baiting, that the right is.
There is, for instance, the argument that the NPP-JVP has entrenched “leftwing” forms of political control, including democratic centralism. Democratic centralism is associated with the Communist parties of China, Vietnam, and the former Soviet Union. It is associated with social democratic parties, including the African National Congress (ANC), as well. In brief, it prioritises party decisions over individual choices and subordinates (almost) everything to the diktats of the party. From that flows other forms of control, including the nomenklatura . through which influential appointments are subjected to party approval.
These tenets or principles are held up as being inferior to Western liberal democracy. There is no doubt that qualitative differences do exist between the two. There is also no doubt that the kind of political principles attributed to the NPP-JVP – rightly or wrongly – raise serious questions about transparency and governance itself. However, when we see these tenets – for instance, nomenklatura – for what they are – forms of political patronage in which party supporters, and allies, are favoured over rivals – one wonders what exactly is the thin blue line separating the one from the other. Patronage networks, the most extreme of which would be political systems where oligarchic interests like lobbies dominate – are associated not just with the former Soviet Union, but also Western democracies.
As the recent war in Gaza clearly shows, Western political parties that pride themselves on their pluralist character have revealed their selectivity well. These are not mere flaws; they have been so firmly ingrained and institutionalised in the system that they are hard to take out. A good example would be the US Democratic Party’s position on the Israel-Gaza War; on the one hand, it is either apportioning equal blame to the Israeli government and Hamas when most casualties have been from Gaza, or defending the Israeli State; and on the other, it has tacitly decided to shut out Palestinian voices. This is just the tip of the iceberg, of course: there are enough and more studies (for instance, by Stephen Walt) which reveal how strong and pervasive these lobbies are in influencing policy.
Viewed that way, the liberal-centrist and centre-right critique of the NPP-JVP does not hold for three reasons. The first is that, despite qualitative differences between the West and the rest, openness and accountability have become more the norm than exception even among liberal outfits, even in the West. One cannot, of course, compare the Communist Party of China with the US Democrats or Republicans, or for that matter the UK Conservatives. Yet if transparency is the buzzword here, the NPP-JVP’s approach to issues like political patronage do not differ much from its rivals. The record of other parties, including the SLPP and UNP, has been more or less the same: when in power, they have institutionalised some form of patronage, in terms of, for instance, hiring supporters into government service, that hardly diverge from “communist governance” à la NPP-JVP.
The second reason is that assuming people want an alternative to the establishment and then cautioning against voting for parties that supposedly depart from Western forms of democracy reeks of the kind of condescension which is no different to the red baiting of the establishment itself. More than anything, it reveals the limits of liberalism as it is practised today: a point that Rajiva Wijesinha has noted clearly in the last chapter of Representing Sri Lanka (Godage, 2023). Since the 1970s and 1980s, there has been, not just in Sri Lanka but also the rest of the Global South, a perceptible shift from the type of enlightened liberalism associated with the Democratic Party in the US under Kennedy, to a wholesale embrace of economic liberalism, even at the cost of social welfare. The class interests that dominate and pervade centrist and centre-right parties have endorsed this shift as well.
The third reason is that fears of the NPP-JVP rising to power and installing a Communist dictatorship of the Marxist-Leninist model are unwarranted because the NPP-JVP has become, as I have noted earlier, more moderate in its policies and positions. This can clearly be seen when comparing the NPP-JVP’s programme with, say, the APS’s. The NPP-JVP is, certainly, somewhat opaque in its dealings with external players. But its evolving position on the IMF, and its visit to India, show that it is not above playing the game of compromise. One sees a broader tendency to shift to the centre among other leftwing parties as well, even those in the West. The Sri Lankan experience, with regard not just to the NPP-JVP but also the Old Left – the LSSP and the CPSL – has been no different.
What we need is a more thoughtful critique of the NPP-JVP, not least because, as a party still struggling to create a mass base, it needs course-corrections of the sort that other left parties, even in Sri Lanka, have historically undergone. However, the tendency among liberal centrist camps today is to assume the JVP’s policy positions and lambast it accordingly. A more thoughtful critique of the NPP-JVP came from Dayan Jayatilleka earlier this week. In his essay, he expresses his support for Sajith Premadasa over Anura Kumara Dissanayake. That just goes to show that it is not only possible, but also imperative, to make political choices without pandering to the kind of hysteria which permeates most Colombo-centric critiques of the NPP-JVP. Sri Lanka is not Colombo; nor, indeed, should it be so.
Uditha Devapriya is a regular commentator on history, art and culture, politics, and foreign policy who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
International Women’s Day spurs re-visit of unresolved issues

‘Bread and Peace’. This was a stirring demand taken up by Russia’s working women, we are told, in 1917; the year the world’s first proletarian revolution shook Russia and ushered in historic changes to the international political order. The demand continues to be profoundly important for the world to date.
International Women’s Day (IWD) is continuing to be celebrated the world over, come March, but in Sri Lanka very little progress has been achieved over the years by way of women’s empowerment, despite Sri Lanka being a signatory to the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and other pieces of global and local legislation that promise a better lot for women.
The lingering problems in this connection were disturbingly underscored recently by the rape-assault on a female doctor within her consultation chamber at a prominent hospital in Sri Lanka’s North Central Province; to cite just one recent instance of women’s unresolved vulnerability and powerlessness.
The Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo (BCIS) came to the forefront in taking up the above and other questions of relevance to women at a forum conducted at its auditorium on March 7th, in view of IWD. The program was organized by the library team at the BCIS, under the guidance of the BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando.
It was heartening to note that the event was widely attended by schoolchildren on the invitation of the BCIS, besides members of the public, considering that the awareness among the young needs to be consistently heightened and broadened on the principal issue of gender justice. Hopefully, going forward, the young would champion the cause of women’s rights having gained by the insights which have been surfaced by forums such as that conducted by the BCIS.
The panelists at the BCIS forum comprised Kumudini Samuel of the Women and Media Collective, a local organization which is in the forefront of taking up women’s issues, and Raaya Gomez, an Attorney-at-Law, engaged in women’s rights advocacy. Together they gave the audience much to think about on what needs to be done in the field of gender justice and linked questions.
The currently raging wars and conflicts worldwide ought to underscore as never before, the yet to be substantively addressed vulnerability of women and children and the absolute need for their consistent empowerment. It is plain to see that in the Gaza, for example, it is women and children who are put through the most horrendous suffering.
Yet, women are the sole care-givers and veritable bread winners of their families in particularly times of turmoil. Their suffering and labour go unappreciated and unquantified and this has been so right through history. Conventional economics makes no mention of the contribution of women towards a country’s GDP through their unrecorded labour and, among other things, this glaring wrong needs to be righted.
While pointing to the need for ‘Bread and Peace’ and their continuing relevance, Kumudini Samuel made an elaborate presentation on the women’s struggle for justice and equality in Sri Lanka over the decades. Besides being the first country to endow women with the right to vote in South Asia, Sri Lanka has been in the forefront of the struggle for the achievement of women’s rights in the world. Solid proof of this was given by Ms. Samuel via her presentation.

Schoolchildren at the knowledge-sharing session.
The presenter did right by pointing to the seventies and eighties decades in Sri Lanka as being particularly notable from the viewpoint of women’s advocacy for justice. For those were decades when the country’s economy was unprecedentedly opened or liberalized, thus opening the floodgates to women’s increasing exploitation and disempowerment by the ‘captains of business’ in the Free Trade Zones and other locations where labour rights tend to be neglected.
Besides, those decades witnessed the explosive emergence of the North-East war and the JVP’s 1987-’89 uprising, for example, which led to power abuse by the state and atrocities by militant organizations, requiring women’s organizations to take up the cause of ethnic peace and connected questions, such as vast scale killings and disappearances.
However, the presenter was clear on the point that currently Sri Lanka is lagging behind badly on the matter of women’s empowerment. For example, women’s representation currently in local councils, provincial councils and parliament is appallingly negligible. In the case of parliament, in 2024 women’s representation was just 9.8 %. Besides, one in four local women have experienced sexual and physical violence since the age of fifteen. All such issues and more are proof of women’s enduring powerlessness.
Raaya Gomez, among other things, dealt at some length on how Sri Lanka is at present interacting with and responding to international bodies, such as CEDAW, that are charged with monitoring the country’s adherence to international conventions laying out the state’s obligations and duties towards women.
This year, we were told, the Sri Lankan government submitted 11 reports to CEDAW in Geneva on issues raised by the latter with the state. Prominent among these issues are continuing language-related difficulties faced by minority group Lankan women. Also coming to the fore is the matter of online harassment of women, now on the ascendant, and the growing need for state intervention to rectify these ills.
It was pointed out by the presenter that overall what needs to be fulfilled by Sri Lanka is the implementation of measures that contribute towards the substantive equality of women. In other words, social conditions that lead to the vulnerability and disempowerment of women need to be effectively managed.
Moreover, it was pointed out by Gomez that civil society in Sri Lanka comes by the opportunity to intervene for women’s empowerment very substantively when issues relating to the Lankan state’s obligations under CEDAW are taken up in Geneva, usually in February.
Accordingly, some Lankan civil society organizations were present at this year’s CEDAW sessions and they presented to the body 11 ‘shadow reports’ in response to those which were submitted by the state. In their documents these civil society groups highlighted outstanding issues relating to women and pointed out as to how the Lankan state could improve its track record on this score. All in all, civil society responses amount to putting the record straight to the international community on how successful or unsuccessful the state is in adhering to its commitments under CEDAW.
Thus, the BCIS forum helped considerably in throwing much needed light on the situation of Lankan women. Evidently, the state is yet to accelerate the women’s empowerment process. Governments of Sri Lanka and their wider publics should ideally come to the realization that empowered women are really an asset to the country; they contribute immeasurably towards national growth by availing of their rights and by adding to wealth creation as empowered, equal citizens.
Features
Richard de Zoysa at 67

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
Today would have been Richard de Zoysa’s 67th birthday. That almost seems a contradiction in terms, for one could not, in those distant days of his exuberant youth, have thought of him as ever getting old. His death, when he was not quite 32, has fixed him forever, in the minds of those who knew and loved him, as exuding youthful energy.
It was 35 years ago that he was abducted and killed, and I fear his memory had begun to fade in the public mind. So we have to be thankful to Asoka Handagama and Swarna Mallawarachchi for bringing him to life again through the film about his mother. This was I think more because of Swarna, for I still recall her coming to see me way back in 2014 – August 28th it was, for my father was dying, though he was still mindful enough to ask me how my actress was after I had left him that afternoon to speak to her downstairs – to talk about her plans for a film about Manorani.
His friends have in general criticised the film, and I too wonder as to why she and the Director did not talk to more of his friends before they embarked on the enterprise. But perhaps recreating actual situations was not their purpose, or rather was not his, and that is understandable when one has a particular vision of one’s subject matter.
After listening to and reading the responses of his friends, I am not too keen to see the film, though I suspect I will do so at some stage. Certainly, I can understand the anger at what is seen as the portrayal of a drunkard, for this Manorani never to my knowledge was. But I think it’s absurd to claim there was never alcohol in the house, for there was, and Manorani did join in with us to have a drink, though she never drank to excess. Richard and I did, I fear, though not at his house, more at mine or at his regular haunt, the Art Centre Club.
I am sorry too that the ending of the film suggests that the murder was the responsibility of just its perpetrators, for there is no doubt that it was planned higher up. I myself have always thought it was Ranjan Wijeratne, who was primarily responsible, though I have no doubt that Premadasa also had been told – indeed Manorani told me that he had turned on Ranjan and asked why he had not been told who exactly Richard was.
But all that is hearsay, and it is not likely that we shall ever be able to find out exactly what happened. And otherwise it seems to me from what I have read, and in particular from one still I have seen (reproduced here), illustrating the bond between Richard and his mother, the film captures two vital factors, the extraordinary closeness of mother and son, and the overwhelming grief that Manorani felt over his death.
Despite this she fought for justice, and she also made it clear that she fought for justice not only for her son, but for all those whose loved ones had suffered in the reign of terror unleashed by JR’s government, which continued in Premadasa’s first fifteen months.
I have been surprised, when I was interviewed by journalists, in print and the electronic media, that none of them remembered Ananda Sunil, who had been taken away by policemen eight years earlier, when JR issued orders that his destructive referendum had to be won at all costs. Manorani told me she had met Ananda Sunil’s widow, who had complained, but had then gone silent, because it seemed the lives of her children had been threatened.
Manorani told me that she was comparatively lucky. She had seen her son’s body, which brought some closure, which the other women had not obtained. She had no other children, and she cared nothing for any threats against her own life for, as she said repeatedly, her life had lost its meaning with Zoysa’s death and she had no desire to live on.
I am thankful then that the film was made, and I hope it serves to renew Richard’s memory, and Manorani’s, and to draw attention to his extraordinary life, and hers both before and after his death. And I cannot be critical about the fact that so much about his life was left out, for a film about his mother’s response to his death could not go back to the past.
But it surprised me that the journalists did not know about his own past, his genius as an actor, his skill as a writer. All of them interviewed me for ages, for they were fascinated at what he had achieved in other spheres in his short life. Even though not much of this appeared in what they published or showed, I hope enough emerged for those interested in Richard to find out more about his life, and to read some of his poetry.
A few months after he died – I had been away and came back only six months later – I published a collection of his poetry, and then a few years later, having found more, republished them with two essays, one about our friendship, one about the political background to his death. And the last issue of the New Lankan Review, which he and I had begun together in 1983 in the tutory we had set up after we were both sacked from S. Thomas’, was dedicated to him. It included a striking poem by Jean Arasanayagam who captured movingly the contrast between his genius and the dull viciousness of his killers.
After those initial memorials to his life and his impact, I started working on a novel based on our friendship. I worked on this when I had a stint at the Rockefeller Centre in Bellagio in 1999, but I was not satisfied, and I worked on it for a few years more, before finally publishing the book in 2005. It was called The Limits of Love and formed the last book in my Terrorist Trilogy, the first book of which, Acts of Faith, had been written with his support, after the July 1983 riots. That was translated into Italian, as Atti di Fedi, and came out in 2006 in Milan.
The Limits of Love
did not receive much publicity, and soon afterwards I was asked to head the Peace Secretariat, and after that I wrote no more fiction. But when Godage & Bros had published several of my non-fiction works in the period after I was excluded from public life, I asked them to republish Acts of Faith, which they did, and that still remains in print. They also republished in 2020 Servants, my novel that won the Gratiaen Prize for 1995.
I thought then that it would be a good idea to republish The Limits of Love, and was delighted that Neptune agreed to do this, after the success of my latest political history, Ranil Wickremesinghe and the emasculation of the United National Party. I thought initially of bringing the book out on the anniversary of Richard’s death, but I had lost my soft copy and reproducing the text took some time. And today being Poya I could not launch the book on his birthday.
It will be launched on March 31st, when Channa Daswatte will be free to speak, for I recalled that 20 years ago my aunt Ena told me that he had admired the book. I think he understood it, which may not have been the case with some of Richard’s friends and relations, for this too is fiction, and the Richard’s character shares traits of others, including myself. The narrator, the Rajiv’s character, I should add is not myself, though there are similarities. He is developed from a character who appeared in both Acts of Faith and Days of Despair, though under another name in those books. Rajiv in the latter is an Indian Prime Minister, though that novel, written after the Indo-Lanka Accord, is too emotional to be easily read.
Manorani hardly figures in The Limits of Love. A Ranjan Wijesinghe does, and also a Ronnie Gooneratne, but of more interest doubtless will be Ranil and Anil, two rival Ministers under President Dicky, both of whom die towards the end of the book. Neither, I should add, bears the slightest resemblance to Ranil Wickremesinghe. His acolytes may try to trace elements of him in one or other of the characters, for I remember being told that Lalith Athulathmudali’s reaction to Acts of Faith was indignation that he had not appeared in it.
Fiction has, I hope, the capacity to bring history to life, and the book should be read as fiction. Doubtless there will be criticism of the characterisation, and of course efforts to relate this to real people, but I hope this will not detract from the spirit of the story, and the depiction of the subtlety of political motives as well as relationships.
The novel is intended to heighten understanding of a strange period in our history, when society was much less fragmented than it is today, when links between people were based on blood as much as on shared interests. But I hope that in addition it will raise awareness of the character of the ebullient hero who was abducted and killed 35 years ago.
The film has roused interest in his life, though through a focus on his death. The novel will I hope heighten awareness of his brilliance and the range of his activity in all too short a life.
Features
SL Navy helping save kidneys

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP,
NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
Navy’s efforts to eradicate Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD) from North Central and North Western Provinces:
• Navy’s homegrown technology provides more than Ten million litres of clean drinking / cooking water to the public free of charge.
• Small project Navy started on 22nd December 2015 providing great results today.
• 1086 Reverse Osmosis (RO) Water purification plants installed to date – each plant producing 10,000 litres of clean drinking water – better quantity than bottled water.
• Project continued for 10 years under seven Navy Commanders highlights the importance of “INSTITUTIONALIZING” a worthy project.
What you see on the map of Sri Lanka (Map 1) are RO water purification plants installed by SLN.SLN is famous for its improvisations and innovations in fighting LTTE terrorists out at sea. The Research and Development Institute of SLN started to use its knowledge and expertise for “Nation Building” when conflict was over in May 2009. On request of the Navy Commander, R and D unit of SLN, under able command of Commander (then) MCP Dissanayake, an Indian trained Marine Engineer, embarked on a programme to build a low- cost RO plant.
The Chronic Kidney Disease was spreading in North Central Province like a “wildfire “in 2015, mainly due to consumption of contaminated water. To curb the situation, providing clean drinking and cooking water to the public was the need of the hour.
The Navy had a non-public fund known as “Naval Social Responsibility Fund “(NSR) started by former Navy Commander Admiral DWAS Dissanayake in 2010, to which all officers and sailors contributed thirty rupees (Rs 30) each month. This money was used to manufacture another project- manufacturing medicine infusion pumps for Thalassemia patients. Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit. With an appropriately 50,000 strong Navy, this fund used to gain approximately Rupees 1.5 million each month- sufficient funds to start RO water purification plant project.
Studies on the spreading of CKD, it was very clear of danger to the people of North central and North Western provinces, especially among farmers, in this rice producing province. The detailed studies on this deadly disease by a team led by Medical experts produced the above map (see Map 2) indicating clear and present danger. Humble farmers in “the Rice Bowl” of Sri Lanka become victims of CDK and suffer for years with frequent Dialysis Treatments at hospitals and becoming very weak and unable to work in their fields.
- Map 1
- Map 2
The Navy took ten years to complete the project, under seven Navy Commanders, namely Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Admiral Travis Sinniah, Admiral Sirimevan Ranasinghe, Admiral Piyal De Silva, Admiral Nishantha Ulugethenna, Admiral Priyantha Perera, present Navy Commander Kanchana Banagoda. Total cost of the project was approximately Rs. 1.260 million. Main contributors to the project were the Presidential Task Force to Eradicate CDK (under the then President Mithripala Sirisena), Naval Social Responsibility Fund, MTV Gammedda, individual local and foreign donors and various organisations. Their contributions are for a very worthy cause to save the lives of innocent people.
The Navy’s untiring effort showed the World what they are capable of. The Navy is a silent force. What they do out at sea has seen only a few. This great effort by the Navy was also noticed by few but appreciated by humble people who are benefited every day to be away from deadly CKD. The Reverse Osmosis process required power. Each plant consumes approximately Rs 11,500 worth power from the main grid monthly. This amount brought down to an affordable Rs 250 per month electricity bill by fixing solar panels to RO plant building roofs. Another project to fix medical RO plants to hospitals having Dialysis machines. SLN produced fifty medical RO plants and distributed them among hospitals with Dialysis Machines. Cost for each unit was Rs 1.5 million, where an imported plant would have cost 13 million rupees each. Commodore (E) MCP Dissanayake won the prize for the best research paper in KDU international Research Conference 2021 for his research paper to enhance RO plant recovery from 50% to 75%. He will start this modification to RO plants soon making them more efficient. Clean drinking water is precious for mankind.

Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit
The Navy has realised it very well. In our history, King Dutugemunu (regained from 161 BC to 137 BC), united the country after 40 years and developed agriculture and Buddhism. But King Dutugemunu was never considered a god or deified. However, King Mahasen (277 to 304 AD) who built more than 16 major tanks was considered a god after building the Minneriya tank.
The people of the North Central Province are grateful to the Navy for providing them with clean drinking and cooking water free of charge daily. That gratitude is for saving them and their children from deadly CKD.
Well done Our Navy! Bravo Zulu!
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