Opinion
Concert for Bangladesh
Part II
By Jayantha Somasundaram
(Continued from December 17)
The Bangladesh Armed Forces, the Mukti Bahini, was created in April 1971 under Colonel Muhammad Ataul Goni Osmani who had served as Lieutenant Colonel with the British Indian Army during World War II. The Mukti Bahini included regular units like the East Bengal Regiment which had been established in February 1948, and it functioned under the Bangladesh government in exile. Initially their numbers and impact was not significant, but as the Pakistan Army’s Bengali soldiers defected to the rebels, and Indian arms reached the Mukti Bahini, their military capability grew. Osmani was subsequently promoted General by the Provisional Government.
By July General Osmani had evolved a comprehensive strategy. He aimed at establishing military control over Mymensingh, an area about 120km north of Dacca, enabling the Provisional Government to obtain diplomatic recognition of Bangladesh. The objective being that by establishing military and political control in a part of Bangladesh, there was the possibility it would lead to foreign military intervention which would liberate all of the country.
This strategy would be supplemented by a guerrilla campaign throughout Bangladesh with the objective of inflicting heavy Pakistani casualties, crippling their army’s mobility by destroying bridges, fuel supplies, storage facilities, railways and river transport. The expectation being that this would result in Pakistani military detachments being fragmented and isolated across Bangladesh, thus reducing their capability.
In pursuit of this objective the country was divided into eleven sectors, each under a military commander. New recruits received up to five weeks training in camps across the Indian border. In August they were blowing up ships in Chittagong and other ports and by September the Mukti Bahini numbered eight infantry battalions and three artillery batteries. They were grouped in three conventional brigades which were supplemented by an estimated 100,000 guerrillas.
The Razakars
The Pakistan Army in Bangladesh was assisted by Razakars (meaning volunteers in Urdu), pro-Pakistan Bengalis and Urdu-speakers in the East, Al Badr, Bihari Muslim migrants from India and Al Shams, drawn from anti-Bangladesh Islamist parties and communities. As the intensity of the conflict grew, five more battalions of the Pakistan Army were deployed to Bangladesh. But by then the Bahini’s military capability had grown to the point where they were able to temporarily secure airfields at Lalmonirhat in the country’s extreme north, long enough to land arms, ammunition and supplies from India.
Liberal opinion in the North Atlantic Community was sympathetic to the plight of the Bengalis. Among them were Senator Edward Kennedy, artists George Harrison, Bob Dylan and Joan Baez and writers Victoria Ocampo and André Malraux. In Sri Lanka a concert to raise funds as well as express solidarity was held at the Ramakrishna Hall, Wellawatte which featured renowned singers Amaradeva and Nanda Malini.
“Edward Kennedy returned from a visit to the refugee camps in August, hailing India’s ‘way of compassion.’ That same month, a concert in New York City’s Madison Square Gardens, in support of Bangladesh, organised by George Harrison and Ravi Shankar, directed the countercultural energies of the nineteen-sixties to a new cause. Nixon, however, put his faith in the proverbial American indifference to foreign affairs: “Biafra stirred up a few Catholics. But you know, I think Biafra stirred people up more than Pakistan, because Pakistan they’re just a bunch of brown goddamn Moslems,” wrote Pankaj Mishra in The New Yorker, quoting Nixon (September 16, 2013).
The events in Bangladesh resulted in the first major benefit concert in history at an international level. The project was the brainchild of Bengali maestro, sitarist Ravi Shankar, who in early 1971 brought the tragedy of Bangladesh to the attention of former Beatles guitarist George Harrison and Klaus Voormann the German artist, musician, and record producer. Called ‘The Concert for Bangladesh’, it was held on August 1, 1971, with the aim of raising funds for Bangladeshi refugees.
Bob Dylan
Two of the artistes Ravi Shankar and Ali Akbar Khan had Bengali heritage. Performing alongside them were the idols of the seventies: Ringo Starr, Bob Dylan, Eric Clapton, Billy Preston, Leon Russell and the band Badfinger.
The Concert was attended by a record crowd of 40,000 and ticket sales raised $250,000 for relief to be carried out in Bangladesh by UNICEF. Later, with revenue received from the record album and the film, around $12 million was sent to Bangladesh.
George Harrison who introduced the concert invited Ravi Shankar on sitar, accompanied by Ali Akbar Khan on the sarod, tabla player Alla Rakha and Kamala Chakravarty on tamboura to present the initial oriental music segment. After explaining the purpose of the concert, they performed a traditional dhun titled ‘Bangla Dhun’.
To thunderous applause from the New York crowd, George Harrison began the occidental part of the concert with ‘Wah-Wah’, his Beatles hit song ‘Something’ and the gospel-rocker ‘Awaiting on You All’. On stage he was accompanied by a band, comprising Ringo Starr, Eric Clapton, Leon Russell, Billy Preston, Klaus Voormann, Jim Keltner and eighteen others, backed by Phil Spector’s All Things Must Pass rock orchestra.
They were followed by Billy Preston, who sang his hit ‘That’s the Way God Planned It’ and Ringo Starr with ‘It Don’t Come Easy’.
Then came the icon of his generation, Bob Dylan. Accompanied only by George Harrison and Leon Russell with Ringo Starr on tambourine, he gave the audience his decade-defining songs from the 1960s: ‘A Hard Rain’s A-Gonna Fall’, ‘Blowin’ in the Wind’, ‘It Takes a Lot to Laugh – It Takes a Train to Cry’, ‘Love Minus Zero/No Limit’ and ‘Just Like a Woman’.
And finally George Harrison led the finale of ‘Hear Me Lord’ and his hit, ‘My Sweet Lord’, and the closing ballad he wrote for The Concert, ‘Bangla Desh’. But the ripples from The Concert went further and wider when George Harrison’s ‘Bangla Desh’ hit the pop charts. This was followed by a three-record box set of the concert and the documentary motion picture released by Apple Records.
According to Phil Spector, an American record producer, musician, and songwriter, “It was magical. That’s the only way to describe it, because nobody had ever seen anything like that before, that amount of star power… all in two hours onstage at one time.”
Farida Majid, a Bangladeshi poet, translator, and academic, summed up what had happened: the “warmth, care and goodwill” of The Concert “echoed all over the world.” It also blazed the trail for subsequent rock charity benefits, like the 1985 Live Aid and Farm Aid to the Concert for New York City and Live 8 in the twenty-first century. The last word, as it were, on The Concert came from George Harrison, who in 1992 said, “The money we raised was secondary. The main thing was, we spread the word and helped get the war ended… What we did show was that musicians and people are more humane than politicians.”
(To be continued)
Opinion
The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement
By Lalin I De Silva
Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:
Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?
Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.
That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”
This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.
Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.
The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.
This deserves national attention.
We Produce — But Do We Connect?
Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.
Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.
The farmer often does not know the final consumer.
The consumer rarely knows the farmer.
Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.
Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.
Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.
That is not value-chain management.
It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.
25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies
A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.
The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.
Its purpose must be practical.
Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.
The first task would be to understand the district itself.
What fruits are grown?
Where are they grown?
When are they available?
Which traditional varieties are disappearing?
Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?
Where are the post-harvest losses?
What do farmers need?
What do consumers actually want?
From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.
Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.
From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit
Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.
You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.
You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.
That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.
The problem is not technology.
The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.
Traceability could change that.
The principle is simple:
Know your farmer. Know your fruit.
Let the Consumer Lead
For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.
“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.
A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:
What does the consumer need, value and trust?
If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.
Retailers respond.
Farmers respond.
Nurseries respond.
Researchers respond.
Investors respond.
Government eventually has to respond.
That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.
Start With Children
Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:
Two Fruits a Day.
Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:
“What are our fruits today?”
Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.
Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.
Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.
It must become part of family culture.
Kandy Could Begin
Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.
Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.
A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.
The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.
It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.
Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.
Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.
We simply have to recognise its value.
Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.
Opinion
‘Outpost of Empire’
Review
by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing
“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”
Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.
The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.
Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.
As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.
Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.
The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.
Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.
I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author
Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.
Opinion
Speaker’s dilemma
The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.
Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.
From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.
As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.
Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.
The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.
WILLIAM
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