Opinion
Climate Change Karma: Who is to be blamed? – II
BY Amarasiri de Silva
(Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya)
(Continued from yesterday)
Sri Lanka, like other South Asian countries, is faced with the grimmest realities of repeated climate-related disasters: widespread flooding, destructive cyclones, desertification, and increasing sea levels pose a threat to economic stability, food security, and social structure. This region is especially susceptible due to the combination of geographical vulnerability and the socio economic challenges many of its nations face. Violent monsoons and extreme weather cause flooding that disrupts livelihoods, wash away critical infrastructure and displaces vulnerable communities as reported in the newspapers and news programmes. These cyclones, now more substantial and frequent due to warming oceans, batter coastlines and leave governments with the daunting task of rebuilding whole towns and addressing resulting humanitarian crises.
Desertification, brought about by unsustainable agricultural practices and shifting rainfall patterns, is one of the most threatening factors to agricultural productivity, especially in countries whose economy relies heavily on farming. In Sri Lanka, the results are slowly but surely being seen as rice production is hit hard by recurrent floods. These have disrupted crop yields and pushed rice and coconut prices to unprecedented levels, worsening economic challenges for farmers and consumers alike.
Meanwhile, sea-level rise is expected to further decline the low-lying coastal areas through loss of arable land, salination of water resources, and displacement of the coastal population. South Asian governments face all these challenges within a limited resource base, often being forced to choose between immediate crises and long-term climate resilience. The situation is a perfect example of the urgent need for robust climate adaptation strategies, international cooperation, and fair financial support by developed countries to arrest in some way or reduce the impacts of a crisis to which the said countries have contributed insignificantly.
Impacts of Climate Change in Sri Lanka introduce a new epoch characterised by unprecedented and unfamiliar weather-related vocabularies we never heard of such as “atmospheric rivers” and named cyclones that frequently disrupt the environment and livelihood in the country. These, in turn, have grave implications for weather extremities, especially in agriculture and infrastructure. Heavy rains from atmospheric rivers and cyclones result in widespread flooding, which destroys crops and decimates villages and towns. Farmlands get submerged, causing massive losses in food production and endangering the livelihood of farmers. Infrastructure such as roads, bridges, and buildings get washed away, thus isolating communities and inhibiting disaster relief efforts. However, the human cost too has been very high, with many people having lost their lives trying to navigate or escape rising flood waters. The new developments show that even the developed countries are being affected by climate change issues. For instance, as reported by Liza Gross in the Justice & Health Newsletter the storm-swollen Pajaro River, which forms the border between Monterey and Santa Cruz County to the north—had demolished a section of the levee and inundated the whole settlement. Also, Gross reports that dozens of California farmworkers are dying from the heat in regions with persistent air pollution.
Apart from immediate effects, these disasters translate into long-term socioeconomic issues. Whole families are rendered homeless, their homes reduced to rubble, which in turn creates shelter crises and more vulnerable citizens. Recovery from these events usually takes years, as rebuilding can barely keep pace with such incidents.
The consequences of global warming are being borne inequitably by countries such as Sri Lanka, with about 1.02 CO2e tons/per person, considered low-carbon-emitting countries that have contributed very little to total global emissions. Although Sri Lanka is a low-emission country, it is very vulnerable due to rising sea levels, unpredictable monsoon cycles, and increased frequency of extreme events like floods and droughts. Why? These phenomena have dire consequences for the country’s agriculture, infrastructure, and overall economic stability. For instance, erratic rainfall can destroy paddy fields, while prolonged droughts can deplete water sources, further jeopardizing food security and livelihoods.
This unequal burden of climate change underlines a profound issue of climate injustice- low-emission countries getting the most significant impact of climate change. While the developed world has benefited much economically through industrialisation and fracking, poor countries like Sri Lanka bear a huge environmental toll. These further disadvantages poor nations, most of which are constrained by finance or technique in responding to adaptation or mitigation needs thrown up by global warming. For example, rebuilding after recurrent floods or changing agricultural patterns in Sri Lanka often overwhelms the country’s economic capacity and pushes vulnerable communities further into poverty. This calls for a collective global approach: the developed world should take full responsibility for its historical role in creating the climate change problem through radical emissions cuts, moving away from destructive practices such as fracking. Beyond that, they have to provide financial and technological support to countries like Sri Lanka to adapt to the challenges thrown up by climate change. Initiatives like the Green Climate Fund to support vulnerable nations have always fallen short of the scale required for the crisis.
Moreover, such a framework as the Paris Agreement requires urgent international cooperation if rich countries are to contribute to global climate action. Global action on climate change would ensure a role in the Paris Agreement through which wealthy countries should play their responsibilities toward taming climate change. The Paris Agreement, signed in 2015, aims to control the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels, pursuing efforts for 1.5°C by requiring countries to establish their NDCs and work toward low greenhouse gas emission economies. This puts the onus on wealthier nations not only because of their historic role in emitting pollution but also due to much higher financial and technological resources to make any difference by tackling climate-related challenges.
The agreement respects the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities.” This means that the developed nations, historically the largest emitters of greenhouse gases, are supposed to take the lead in reduction and provide financial and technological support to developing countries. Also, under this agreement, the Green Climate Fund will have to mobilise $100 billion annually from developed nations for climate adaptation and mitigation in poor countries. Such a financial mechanism points toward the need for equitable sharing by wealthier nations, fairness of which is only part of the obligation from the global perspective.
By signing the Paris Agreement, the developed world committed itself to cutting its emissions, besides helping developing countries shift toward renewable energy, establish climate-resilient infrastructure, and handle loss and damage due to the changing climate. Without this, global efforts to combat climate change would be highly unequal, leaving vulnerable nations to bear the full brunt of a crisis they contributed little to create. It represents the shared global vision in which the developed countries lead in realising climate justice and equity in action.
This is a systemic change that needs to happen now, reminded by the interaction between developed and developing nations on climate change issues. While developing countries like Sri Lanka take adaptation and resilience-building seriously, it is up to the developed world to reduce emissions and promote a more equitable response from the world to this shared crisis. Without this, the ravaging effects of climate change will continue to exacerbate global inequalities and further threaten the lives and futures of people who bear the least responsibility for the problem.
The just-ended UN Climate Change Conference, COP29, held in Baku, Azerbaijan, discussed critical climate challenges and pressing ahead with global climate objectives. The key themes emphasised the urgent need to take necessary steps to limit the increase in global temperature to 1.5°C, reflecting the critical threshold for preventing catastrophic climate impacts. Additionally, there is a call to ramp up ambition toward Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to ensure that nations meet and exceed their climate commitments. Another crucial focus is making the Loss and Damage Fund functional, enabling it to provide effective assistance to climate-vulnerable countries disproportionately affected by climate change’s consequences. The conference underlined updates to carbon market guidance under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement and called for increased financial commitments for adaptation and mitigation.
The significant initiatives included the Climate Finance Action Fund of Azerbaijan, which asks for $1 billion a year from the producers of fossil fuels to be reinvested in renewable energy and disaster response programs. Another primary emphasis was on adaptation finance- the need to bridge the gap- and how developed nations are trying to double adaptation funding by 2025. While there is progress, challenges remain, particularly on funding and commitment levels by key stakeholders.
The conference was controversial, with activists attacking the hosting role of Azerbaijan because of its human rights record and reliance on fossil fuels- a broader tension between climate action and geopolitics. Leaders said far more needs to be done together if global targets are to be met, and the next few years will be crucial for implementing the climate policy and achieving long-term resilience.
Climate change protests are practically unheard of in Sri Lanka. While demonstrations around the world raise awareness about environmental issues, Sri Lankans are overwhelmed by the immediate consequences of climate change, like recurrent floods and the devastation of paddy fields, and demolition of houses. These challenges need urgent attention but have not translated into collective resistance or advocacy. It underlined a need to raise a more profound awareness about climate change and broader implications related to climate change among the general public.
More important to their solution, however, could be played by the government of Sri Lanka rather than mere grassroots protests. In this line, it has been very important to form a dedicated organisation for implementing climate adaptation strategies while seeking financial compensation through international mechanisms, such as COP29. It can also unite with other poorer nations affected by climate change in demanding reparations and support from larger carbon-emitting countries, holding them responsible for the disproportionate impact of climate change on vulnerable nations like Sri Lanka.
However, how it works in Sri Lanka is yet to be decided. The backlash seen in most places worldwide, such as disruption to civic life and alienation of would-be sympathisers, calls for more collaboration on this issue. Instead, these disruptive demonstrations, solutions suggested by theorists, provide a better alternative. In recent elections, Sri Lanka voted for a system change that includes restructuring of economies in such a way that sustainability is built into their core.
Combining those aspects with the advocacy of the government for structural economic change holds far better promises for Sri Lanka efficiently to address the immediate challenges of climate change for long-term resilience and sustainability. This calls for Sri Lanka to consider climate justice through policy streamlining and introducing key measures such as carbon taxes, cap-and-trade mechanisms, and integrating green technologies within a capitalist framework. These reforms will strengthen the country’s climate justice regime while tackling systemic environmental concerns. Furthermore, the government must develop a comprehensive estimate of the damages, detailing the losses due to climate change, repair costs, and rebuilding lives of the affected people. This claim should be submitted promptly and immediately to COP29 for reparations and support so Sri Lanka can build back better and more equitably. (Concluded)
Opinion
Dengue: Who will guard the state?
I am writing to draw public attention to a serious health hazard regarding a property located at elvitigala mawatha, belonging to the national housing development authority (NHDA)
As seen in the attached photographs, the site is filled with waste that traps water and provides shelter for mosquitoes. Despite repeated complaints, no action has been taken to clean the premises.
This is extremely concerning given the current dengue situation. As of July 18, the National Dengue Control Unit reported over 73,500 dengue cases and 50 deaths nationwide this year, with Colombo being one of the worst affected districts. Residents, including children and the elderly living nearby, are now at direct risk.
PHIs have previously noted that legal action against government premises for dengue breeding is often blocked. If this continues, we are essentially allowing a government property to endanger public health.
I therefore urge the Colombo Municipal Council, the Ministry of Health, and the National Dengue Operations Centre to intervene immediately, clean this property, and hold the authorities concerned accountable before it leads to more dengue cases in our community.
Concerned Citizen
Opinion
Lucille Amarasuriya
(Written by the late Lakshmi Nimalasuriya in July 1986 and published to mark Lucille’s 40th death anniversary)
She was a special friend. We first met when she was president and I was honorary secretary of a voluntary organization. We worked together in great harmony. She was a person of outstanding merit and enmeshed in dreams and goals which she pursued with unflagging zeal.
Her wealth and position made no impact of exclusiveness, nor the advantages she had as a politician’s wife make her dominating.
She was intelligent, receptive and warm hearted and an indispensable member of the All-Ceylon Buddhist Women’s Association and the All-Ceylon Buddhist Congress. She had the ability to respond to any situation and act with confidence – the criterion of leadership.
She was invited to serve on national councils sponsored by the government and was successful in redistributing the allocation of grants which had continued to be unequal and favoured. She was an active member of the Inner Wheel Club adept at fund-raising and was in great demand. She worked long hours in preparation and enlisted all she knew to make the Flag Days successful. She wooed the wives of diplomats for charity performances and the press for publicity. By her tireless efforts she enriched the ever-depleting coffers of these voluntary organizations.
The spiritual growth of young people was a subject close to her heart. She initiated the Youth Forum of the ACBC. She was indeed a happy mother at the time of her death as all her children had grown up to become good citizens.
She was a gifted and versatile person who could sing, write, draw, paint, design, sew and make lovely handicrafts with effortless ease. So, be it an important occasion like her children’s weddings, or mundane functions, fetes, annual general meetings, or at a simple pinkama in the temple or nunnery, or on a sacred day, her lovely creations which she spent hours in making in silent enjoyment would add that splash of gaiety and festivity which delighted us. She told me she learnt this love of decoration from her father who was an eminent Buddhist worker. Underlying all her work was her dedication to the Buddha Sasana.
The death of her teenage daughter early in life, and the death of her husband, who pre-deceased her by a few years, left her inconsolable and she with great difficulty reconciled herself to their loss.
She relives again in memory – Here she comes, a winsome smile on her lovely face, of graceful stature, her wavy hair drawn back, her favourite throatlet around her neck; with friendly charm, her hand out-stretched to help and bound to a generous heart, so she rightly claimed her name of endearment – she was to all Lucilla akka, sister Lucille.
May she soon attain her goal – the end of suffering – Nibbana.
Opinion
Ukraine’s power struggle spills on to the streets
A leadership crisis that exposes the strategic fault lines of Ukraine’s war effort—and the competing imperatives of domestic command, Western pressure, and battlefield reality.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s abrupt dismissal of Defence Minister Mykhailo Fedorov and his broader cabinet reshuffle have exposed a deep fracture within Ukraine’s wartime power structure. This extends far beyond personalities and into the strategic orientation of the state itself. What is unfolding is not merely a bureaucratic dispute but a crisis of command in a country prosecuting a high intensity, NATO-supported war against Russia.
On 16 July, protests broke out in Kyiv demanding the removal of Commander in Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi and the reinstatement of Fedorov. Smaller demonstrations occurred in Odessa, Lviv, Kharkiv, Lutsk, Dnipro, and other cities. These protests, which have continued for a week, signal a rupture within the prowar bloc that has sustained the Zelensky administration since 2022.
Antiwar sentiment did not drive the demonstrations, in which the “usual suspects” of US-backed “Colour Revolutions” took part. In this case, veterans, territorial defence networks, and upper middleclass “civil society” actors, who remain committed to the war’s continuation. Their demand for Fedorov’s reinstatement reflects a belief that Zelensky has lost operational coherence and strategic clarity. Placards bearing Fedorov’s name were, in effect, endorsements of escalating long range warfare against Russia, despite the catastrophic human toll already borne by both sides.
The political shock waves have reverberated through Ukraine’s Western patrons. The Mayor of Kyiv, Vitaly Klitschko, a major player in the 2014 “Maidan Coup” who is aligned with German strategic interests, condemned the firing publicly as a “big mistake,” while major Western media outlets described the move as “destabilising.” Behind the scenes, officials in Washington and Brussels viewed the sudden change with alarm. Such reactions reveal the degree to which Fedorov had become embedded in Western military technical planning, particularly in the domain of drone warfare, where Ukraine’s operations increasingly intersect with NATO intelligence and logistical support.
This conflict has emerged precisely as Ukraine intensifies drone strikes deep inside Russian territory and escalates operations against Crimea. Fedorov, appointed only six months ago, became the face of this strategy, celebrated by Western media as a “drone warfare mastermind” and criticised domestically for sidelining artillery procurement. His approach aligned closely with NATO’s interest in testing and refining asymmetric strike capabilities against Russia.
Zelensky’s subsequent hints that he may reconsider the decision underscore the precariousness of his position. His authority now rests on a fragile balance between Western expectations, domestic military factions, and a society exhausted by mobilisation. His consultations with both Syrskyi and Fedorov suggest an attempt to reassert control over a command structure that is no longer unified.
Fedorov’s postdismissal revelations sharpen the picture. His claim that Syrskyi and Chief of the General Staff Andrii Hnatov blocked reform initiatives systematically, and that Syrskyi enabled corruption, points to a structural clash between two models of warfare. The Western media has analysed the row as one in which Fedorov represents a Westernaligned, technologydriven paradigm emphasising drones, automation, and longrange strikes. It portrays Syrskyi as embodying an entrenched Sovietera command culture, reliant on artillery, mass mobilisation, and hierarchical control. Zelensky’s decision to side with Syrskyi is presented as a political calculation, preserving the loyalty of the traditional military establishment at the expense of the “reformist” faction.
However, Fedorov’s political alliances complicate this narrative. His cultivation of farright networks, including neo Nazi blogger Serhii Sternenko, reveals the darker undercurrents of Ukraine’s wartime coalition. Sternenko’s role in the 2014 Odessa massacre underscores how extremist actors continue to intersect with state structures, especially in moments of institutional fragmentation.
In actual fact, the power struggle reflects a contradiction between two elite strategies for managing subordination. Ukraine is a subaltern national state embedded in a wider hierarchy of imperialist power. Fedorov is tied to global centi-billionaires and Western technology platforms. His camp can look “more Western” because it is more integrated into transnational circuits of capital and war-tech. The apparent modernity of that model still carries dependency: it improves efficiency while deepening reliance on external monopolies. The war state becomes dependent on foreign-owned infrastructure, satellite systems, software, and elite relationships, which gives external capital leverage over military coordination and political priorities.
Syrskyi, by contrast, is closer to an older form of domestic elite power: the military-bureaucratic order linked to native oligarchic interests, procurement channels, and patronage. This is a more nationally rooted fraction of the bourgeois bloc, but not necessarily a more independent one, because Ukrainian oligarchic power has long been intertwined with Western finance, arms flows, and state restructuring.
The struggle between Syrskyi and Fedorov therefore reflects competing modes of dependency, and (although clearly the Western establishment favours the latter) not a clean split between “national” and “Western” camps. One route passes through transnational tech capital and managerial reform; the other through entrenched oligarchic-military command and domestic networks of influence. The clash is therefore not an isolated dispute but a symptom of an intra-elite struggle over how Ukraine should be governed as a dependent war economy. Neither side points beyond bourgeois rule; they are different management styles of the same subordinated state form.
Taken together, the crisis reflects a deeper geopolitical reality: Ukraine’s war effort is no longer anchored by a unified elite consensus. Instead, it is being pulled apart by competing military doctrines, Western strategic pressures, corruption scandals, and the exhaustion of a society asked to sustain indefinite mobilisation.
Vinod Moonesinghe, formerly chair of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute and of the National Institute for Language Education and Training, serves as Convenor of the Asia Progress Forum.
By Vinod Moonesinghe ✍️
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