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Civil- Military Relationships are Breaking Down

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Dr Sarala Fernando

For some time now, civil- military relationships had been increasing around the world for several different reasons. Even a military superpower like the US is witnessing diminishing voluntary recruitment since many years which has led to increased reliance on fourth Industrial Revolution technology dominated by private contractors, including new weaponry such as unmanned drones and covering underwater, space, cyber and information areas.

However recent events have shown that civil-military cooperation in the US is not without in-built perils. The US military dependence on civilian contractors failed the test of raising morale leading to a quick collapse of the Afghan forces and revelations of the thousands of pieces of weapons and equipment valued at tens of billions of dollars, left behind in the confusion of the exit from Afghanistan. The debacle has sharpened domestic public criticism in the US of such “forever” foreign wars and “nation building” exercises.

Even as the public consensus grows in the US that defence must be oriented towards national security in the homeland territory, a new fissure has opened with the January 6 attack or “insurrection” on that main pillar of American democracy, the Capitol, where investigations have revealed that over 80 of those persons charged by the Justice department had ties with the military including many veterans and a handful currently serving in the military. US planners must be worried now as to the extent of this “anti-democracy” sentiment within the active military and how it should be monitored and countered.

Some of the same fears are now coming to surface in Sri Lanka with the escalating economic crisis and discontent with the government. The Mirihana incident where thousands of people surrounded President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence and reference to an “Arab Spring” uprising has led a senior politician to speak of a possible conspiracy to bring in a military government. How did a peaceful protest turn into a destruction of public property and who actually did that damage remains to be investigated.

In the meantime it is sad to see suspicion raised as to the military role and hidden “conspiracy” theories floated. The clash outside parliament a few days ago between police and the army motorbike squad wearing full face helmets is indicative of the rising tensions. It may be time for the military to resume its traditional role of protecting national security and roll back its extended involvement in government in key areas from ports to education, health, agriculture and construction.

At the end of the 30 year armed conflict, a grateful nation gave its support to the armed forces which had fought with scarce domestic resources, supplemented by assistance from longtime friends like China. As a result, settlement of debts post conflict, including through land transfers, was non-controversial given the priority of managing the terrorist threat. In the same way, after the conflict ended in 2008, despite the many needs in the South, there was no objection raised to diverting national resources towards humanitarian assistance and reconstruction in the North and East and to entrust this work to the armed forces.

Who else but the military could have handled the rehabilitation and restored so quickly critical infrastructure like roads, bridges, schools and hospitals as well as the essential clearing of mines, dumped weapons, ammunition and war debris, thereby permitting the conflict affected people to return to their homes?

Vulnerable to both human and natural disasters, Sri Lanka has not only come out of a thirty year war, it has faced an unprecedented Tsunami which devastated the Indian Ocean region, where the military had taken a leadership role in managing the government response to these disasters. But this had been accomplished in cooperation with other associated organizations, both government and private, foreign and international agencies, such that no controversy had arisen.

Before the Mirihana incident the question was whether it was possible to recreate that “whole of society” approach seen after the tsunami in order to deal with the present economic crisis post -Covid, including the huge debt problem, lack of foreign exchange, looming food crisis etc? Now it seems with anger rising and impatience with the problems of facing daily life with shortages of power, fuel supplies and escalating food prices due to the foreign exchange crisis, there is more likelihood of conflict rather than a possibility of cooperation. Even the Indian assistance package ostensibly for “confidence building” seems not to have achieved that purpose due to the hasty signature of defence related agreements pushed by the Indian side.

The heart of the problem is the lack of a peace dividend so many years since the ending of the armed conflict and the continued lion’s share of the budget being devoted to defence while essential public services like education and health are being cut. Press reports have revealed that our teachers and principals are apparently among the worst paid in the region, yet the government has given priority to improving facilities at the military university placing it even outside the existing regulatory framework. All over the public service, promotions and benefits have been curtailed while press releases regularly inform of promotions and new ranks bestowed on service personnel – poor public diplomacy?

Retired military officers appointed to high government positions have been met with scathing press coverage. One striking example comes to mind of that fine public servant Mr S.B. Divaratne who held the position of Commissioner of Essential Services during the years of armed conflict, coordinating diplomatically behind the scenes with the international community as well as the local agencies to maintain essential supplies to the conflict affected areas, in stark contrast to a recent military Commissioner of Essential Services shown on live TV raiding stores and warehouses.

A central problem is that the military has a different style of leadership and enforced top- down discipline which is in total contrast to Sri Lanka’s untidy public administration with loose administration of rules and regulations complicated by over-politicization from the top and union actions at the bottom. One can appeal to good sense but it will not be possible to weld together these two systems or even enforce one on the other given the long standing democratic traditions in the country. Furthermore, having moved from a socialist planned economy to an open market economy as far back as 1977, any Government effort for example to re-establish price controls on essential foods and rationing is bound to provoke push back from a vigilant private sector.

Civil- Military Relationships

Sri Lanka’s health service has always been a leader in the region held up as an example by international agencies, and its professionals had successfully led the management of many crises and dealt with the unions unlike today when the Ministry is headed by a military officer. Today there is a complaint that government funds are being liberally bestowed on construction and running of military hospitals, while the government public hospitals are facing shortages of funds, drugs etc. This has reinvigorated public calls for the military to step back from leading the Covid campaign and return its administration to the health authorities with its established system of government hospitals, MOHs and PHIs which remain in close contact with the public and have gained their confidence over the years. A new controversy is looming on the unutilized mainly Pfizer vaccines which were earlier controlled by the military, now likely to go to waste with public apathy as the expiry date of the doses approaches. Who will take the blame for any excess orders and is there a tale of hidden corruption?

Most recently there are proposals that the military should take the lead in the grow- more- food national campaign and there is even a proposal to raise a new division to do construction work. Will these proposals not bring unnecessary conflict with those traditionally leading these sectors, especially national research and development organizations and the vibrant private sector? In the conflict- affected areas, will not the small traditional farmers dependent on credit and local pawning come to resent the large military farms with access to technological know- how, labour, markets and largely unaudited public funds? How can that help reconciliation efforts? Growing food for the troops is one thing but growing food with public money to influence markets is another and bound to provoke more controversy.

So how can the civil-military relationship be repaired? On human rights there are some lessons to be learned from the UK where this year will mark 50 years since the Bloody Sunday incident in Northern Ireland which is said to have escalated the armed conflict there. The Bloody Sunday incident relates to a civil rights march which was met with gunfire by the British police and seven members of the public were killed. Initially there was the trumped- up explanation put out by the police which was later found to be false by independent Commissions of Inquiry. This then led to public apologies in the UK parliament by the Prime Minister. It seems the prosecution of the police officers involved could not be pursued due to the passage of time and lately there is speculation of new legislation being drafted in the UK to give amnesty to those involved.

Dealing with events such as Bloody Sunday underscores the need to strengthen the internal legal infrastructure within the armed services which involves not only training in human rights and humanitarian law but also to publicize action taken to try and punish military offenders for criminal offenses. If not, an impression will be created of impunity which is what has led foreign governments, pushed by an active diaspora, to sanctioning military leaders for command responsibility. From time to time we hear of armed forces personnel arrested for crimes of murder, extortion and drug deals, yet rarely do we hear of penalties and sentencing.

On the contrary, recent Presidential pardons have only added to the climate of impunity. In that climate, one must not fail to recognize the courage of a senior Foreign Service officer then serving in Washington who brought Ambassador Jaliya Wickremasuriya’s corruption to the notice of his superiors in Colombo only to find these allegations swept under the carpet until vigilant US officials filed action and the Ambassador now being tagged in the internet as a “close relative of then President Mahinda Rajapaksa”, admitted his own guilt to defraud the Sri Lanka government, in a US court .

(Sarala Fernando, retired from the Foreign Ministry as Additional Secretary and her last Ambassadorial appointment was as Permanent Representative to the UN and International Organizations in Geneva . Her Ph.D was on India-Sri Lanka relations and she writes now on foreign policy, diplomacy and protection of heritage).



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New mediation law for smarter dispute resolution of civil and commercial disputes – I

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The Mediation (Civil and Commercial Disputes) Bill  was passed by the Parliament on Thursday, June 11, 2026.  Harshana  Nanayakkara, Minister of Justice and National Integration, introduced the Bill, and explained its provisions and value for Sri Lanka and global developments in the use of mediation. Encouragingly, it was passed unanimously.

Sri Lanka’s commitment to provide legislative support for the use of mediation is timely and most welcome. Given that the backlog of cases pending before courts is over a staggering 1.1 million, it is clear that Sri Lanka is yet another country that remains challenged to find responses to make  dispute resolution more efficient. The impact of laws delays is serious and damaging not only to the disputants personally, but also for businesses and the economic development of the country. The delays in concluding cases impacts the economy adversely, both directly and indirectly,  but are often seen only as an access to Justice concern. This is unfortunate. In many jurisdictions across the globe, alternative dispute resolution processes (ADR), such as mediation, have been introduced to alleviate laws delays. While Sri Lanka enacted legislation (1988) to provide for mediation in respect of minor community disputes of a low monetary threshold, the enactment of the new law heralds a commitment to provide for the recognition of a disciplined regime for its use for higher value civil and commercial disputes.

The new law provides for the recognition of mediation as a dispute resolution option that can be voluntarily selected by parties, and for a governance regime to ensure that mediations are conducted in compliance with certain standards which are globally accepted. It provides statutory recognition to the principle that a mediated settlement agreement that has been signed by the disputants, is valid in law. It does not provide for any management control by government or establish entities. In addition to the voluntary reference by parties, a  court can also refer a dispute in an action before it, to mediation, at its discretion, after considering all  circumstances and if considered appropriate.  The voluntary nature of the process is not affected because, while the court can refer the dispute to mediation and the parties must then engage in the mediation, there is no compulsion for the parties to settle against their will.

The law sets out the obligations of Mediators, disputants and the Service Provider. Certain categories of disputes cannot be referred  to mediation.  These are disputes the settlement of which requires the inclusion of terms that can be given effect to, only on a decree of court, such as the termination of a marriage or a declaration of nullity of marriage or the adoption of a child or the partition of land to obtain rights in rem.  A schedule sets out eleven (11) categories of actions that cannot be settled by mediation. However,  matters relevant to such disputes may be mediated for the purpose of submitting terms of settlement to court for consideration of incorporation in a judgement, decree or order in compliance with applicable law.

The new law also provides that in a mediation, certain  key principles of the process must be complied with. These include the  confidentiality and the without prejudice rule in respect of matters discussed at the mediation; the  rule that Mediators must be neutral and impartial; the party centric nature of the process that provides primacy to the wishes of the disputants including that it is they that determine the outcome and that a settlement is reached only if all disputants agree to the terms; the noncoercive role of the mediator whose duty is to facilitate and manage the process using mediation specific skills and techniques, but is debarred from imposing a decision. Although a settlement agreement is valid in law, provision is included to obtain a decree of court, based on the terms of the settlement. A mediated settlement agreement can be set aside on an application made to court, on specific limited grounds which are provided for, including that it is offensive to the public policy of the country. If the parties are unable to agree on a settlement, a certificate of non-settlement is issued. The provisions of the law are based on international best practices and principles articulated in the 1988 UN Mediation Convention  (the Singapore Convention) and the UNCITRAL model law.

The popularity of mediation has grown for its value in being time efficient, cost effective and party centric. Parties have control over the outcome and have the space to discuss their concerns, fears and interests and need never agree to settle unless fully satisfied that settlement terms address their interests. Disputants are free to walk out of a mediation process at any time, if dissatisfied with the progress. The discussions are confidential and a valuable feature is that the process offers an opportunity to reduce acrimony which is prevalent in most disputes, and to restore fractured relationships which is very important in family  and  business related disputes. This benefit and the prospects for governments to reduce the cost of the administration of justice, by using mediation,  is articulated in the preamble to the 2018 UN Convention on International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation (2018) which states that the use of mediation results in significant benefits.

 Pursuant to the interest generated within the country regarding the value of using Mediation for commercial dispute resolution, and heralding what we like to see as the initial steps of a Mediation boom in the country, several positive advancements have taken place –

*    Parties have opted to include mediation in the dispute resolution clause in contracts;

*    Given that mediating disputes requires  very specialised techniques and skills, many professionals, including predominantly Lawyers, have engaged in training programmes offered by international training bodies that offer accreditation;

*    Trained Mediators are engaged in an effort to form themselves as a professional Organisation;

*    Mediation  Advocacy training programmes have been held to train Lawyers on their niche role in the mediation process. That role is distinctly different to that of a court Lawyer who’s obligations are centred on an adversarial approach where the dispute is adjudicated in terms of the law alone.  Hence lawyers need training to be useful within a non-adversarial process which is party centric and has a focus on reaching a settlement, based on the interests of disputants.

*    Sri Lanka enacted the Recognition and Enforcement of International Mediated Settlement Agreements Act No. 5 of 2024 (the UN Mediation Convention Act) and ratified the Convention becoming the 14th country to do so. Sri Lanka will be seen as an investor friendly country in respect of dispute resolution where mediation is used, since it offers an enforcement regime which is recognised universally.

*    The landmark determination of the Supreme Court (SC SD 22 of 2025) in the challenge by the Bar Association to the constitutionality of the Mediation (Civil and Commercial Disputes) Bill, found that none of the provisions of the Bill were unconstitutional and gave a judicial sign off to statutory provisions that seek to ensure that mediation services are provided in this country, in a disciplined manner in compliance with universally accepted standards.

*    Perhaps, inspired by the statutory obligation imposed on judges to attempt pretrial settlement of disputes, in terms of the Small Claims Court Act and the Small Claims Court Procedure Act (both of 2022) and the Civil Procedure Code provisions on Pretrial Conference and Pretrial Orders, 125 District Judges were recently trained (with support from the ADB) in Mediation. The training provided a dual benefit – it provided training in  skills that are required to settle disputes and equally importantly, provided a comprehensive understanding of how mediation will function when judges themselves refer disputes for settlement by private mediators.

*    Trained Mediators are already conducting mediations with success.

*    A not-for-profit guarantee company, the International ADR Centre – www.iadrc.lk ) was established in 2018  as a joint venture of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce and the Institute for the Development of Commercial Law & Practice (ICLP) to promote ADR and is actively engaged in promoting mediation through training, disseminating information and creating awareness among stakeholders, including the business sector.   In addition to the International ADR Centre, “Udecide”  is a project that promotes training of mediators and other activities that enrich the mediation culture.

*    Commercial Mediation has been included in the Masters level programme at the Colombo University;

*    The Sri Lanka Law College offers a component on Mediation in the Post Attorney Diploma programme, which commenced recently.

The private sector was actively engaged in the drafting of the  Mediation Bill under the leadership of the International ADR Centre, which held many stakeholder consultations to obtain feedback from those that were conversant with the subject. The Centre had previously assisted the government to draft the UN Mediation Convention Act (Act No. 5 of 2024).

Several international Organisations that previously provided for resolution of disputes by arbitration, have provided for institutional rules to provide mediation services. These include WIPO and the ICC. Specifically, in relation to Investor State dispute resolution (ISDR), the  International Bar Association (IBA) adopted its  Mediation  Rules in 2012 and ICSID (of the World Bank group) adopted its Mediation Rules in 2022.  UNCITRAL, which is currently working on reforming  ISDR, promotes mediation, observing that the use of mediation could reduce the costs of ISDS and also preserve relationships between the investor and the State. UNCITRAL has formulated provisions on and Guidelines for, Mediation for investor state dispute resolution.

(To be continued)

by Dhara Wijayatilake
Attorney-at-Law; Former Secretary to the Ministry of Justice; Director and Secretary General of the International ADR Centre.

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A Testament to the Sri Lankan family

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The passing of Dr. Devanesan Nesiah a few days ago brought back memories that spanned more than four decades. Devanesan signed the witness register at my marriage in 2002. It was a year of hope. The Ceasefire Agreement between the government and the LTTE had brought a respite from a war that had devastated the country for nearly two decades. The possibility of peace seemed real. It was fitting that Devanesan should be present on that occasion because his entire life was dedicated to building bridges across divides and seeking rational and humane solutions to conflict. He was a friend, mentor, and guide whose life embodied values that Sri Lanka, indeed the world, needs today.

In reflecting on Dr. Nesiah’s life, we need to be reminded that the forces that unite us as a people in Sri Lanka are stronger than those that divide us, and that the bonds of human affection can transcend even the deepest divisions of ethnicity, history and politics. I first met him in 1984. I had just had my very first newspaper article published in the Jaffna-based Saturday Review. The editor was Gamini Navaratne, a Sinhalese. This was a reminder that even during the darkest period of ethnic conflict, the bonds between communities remained strong. The article I had written was based on my encounters with the anti-Tamil violence of July 1983.

At that time, Dr Nesiah was the Government Agent of Jaffna. Tens of thousands of Tamil people who had fled violence in the south had been transported to the north by a government that had failed to protect them. He came up to me at an event, introduced himself, and told me that he liked what I had written. He also said that he would soon be leaving for Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government and that we could meet there. Over the next three years, Devanesan and his wife Anita adopted me into their family.  I used to visit them two or three times a week, not only to be given meals by Anita but to discuss matters with Devanesan.  These included the academic papers and newspaper articles that were written. Later, Anita earned her PhD in religion and served on the boards of many civic organisations, including the National Peace Council.

Practical Solution

In 1992, we had both returned to work in Sri Lanka when Devanesan invited me to accompany him to Jaffna to celebrate the eightieth birthday of his father, K Nesiah, the distinguished educationist affectionately known as Professor Nesiah. The older Nesiah had been a leading member of the Jaffna Youth Congress. This remarkable movement championed complete independence from British rule, national unity, and the eradication of social inequalities based on caste and communal identity.

At a time when many feared that independence would lead to majoritarian domination, the leaders of the Youth Congress chose instead to place their faith in a shared Sri Lankan future. They believed that people from different communities could build a common nation while preserving their distinctive identities. So did Devanesan.  This vision remains relevant today. It needs to be actualized.

The tragedy of Sri Lanka’s post-independence history is not that diversity exists. Diversity exists in every society. The tragedy is that we often allow diversity to become a source of fear, though we share many of the same values of family, hospitality, respect for elders and compassion towards others. During our visit to Jaffna in 1992, we met representatives of the LTTE administration, including Raheem. The discussion turned to the controversial issue of merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Dr Nesiah argued that if the merger could not be achieved due to political opposition, it might be more rational to seek greater powers for provincial councils instead. Raheem disagreed.  Devanesan was interested in finding practical ways to achieve justice and coexistence. That was characteristic of him.

Devanesan Nesiah was a student of conflict and strategy. He became a doctoral student of Professor Thomas Schelling, who would later receive the Nobel Prize for his pioneering work on conflict and cooperation. Schelling’s insight was that even in the midst of conflict, there are usually common interests that adversaries share. Even adversaries locked in a struggle usually depend on each other for the outcome they each want. The challenge is to identify those common interests and build upon them. Conflict is not simply a contest between enemies. It is also a search for ways to coexist. Together as students and peace practitioners, we applied those theories to the Sri Lankan context to understand what was going on and to share that understanding with the Sri Lankan people.

Rational Empathy

Dr Nesiah spoke his mind, truth to power. He was a man of logic, rationality, and principle. His integrity came at a cost. His public service career experienced many ups and downs because he refused to accommodate irrational or corrupt demands. There were periods when he was sidelined into that administrative limbo known as the “pool” and assigned no substantive responsibilities for refusing to give in to political demands. Like the rest of his larger family, most notably the Hoole family of Jaffna, he would not abandon his principles. In 2018, to protest the action of President Maithripala Sirisena in sacking the then government he returned his Deshamanya Award (Pride of the Nation) national civil honourn which was soon thereafter overturned by the Supreme Court as being unconstitutional. His commitment was not to personal advancement, but to what he believed was right.

My wife Sumadhu recalls a story he told her. One day, while travelling on official duty, he told her how he had seen a thalagoya, a monitor lizard, trussed up and being taken away for slaughter. The sight of the creature’s suffering affected him deeply. He said he saw tears in its eyes and described the moment of awakening. From that day onwards, he gave up eating meat.

The story brings to mind the biblical story of the conversion of St Paul on the road to Damascus and the Buddhist exhortation, “May all living beings be well and happy.” But the deeper significance lies not in religious comparison. It lies in the awakening of empathy.

That was the essence of Dr Devanesan Nesiah’s worldview. The prejudices that society often imposes through ethnicity, religion, caste, or gender had little hold on him. He saw them as human constructs that often served to privilege some while excluding others. Such were his values that made him an extraordinary human being. Dr. Nesiah lived according to that understanding. He showed that integrity can survive amidst conflict. He reminded us that reason and compassion are not opposites but partners, that what unites us as Sri Lankans inhabiting our common island home has always been greater than what divides us, and we need to build our institutions accordingly.

I am proud that he was my friend. I am grateful that he was my mentor.

by Jehan Perera

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City of Dreams …Heartbeat of Colombo

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Enroute

If Colombo’s nightlife had a pulse, you’d find it 23 floors up, at Gatz, City of Dreams, Cinnamon Life.

The entertainment lounge has shed its old skin and stepped out supper-club style — think dim lights, clinking glasses, and live music that doesn’t ask you to choose between dinner and a show. You get both.

What’s more, at the new look Gatz the music never stops and it’s all happening seven nights a week … with live entertainment, and this is the scene, beat by beat:

Monday and Tuesday: Top Hats with Daniella/Naomi, from 7.00 pm onwards.

Sohan, Kamal Munasinghe (GM, Cinnamon Life) and Imran of
Funtime Entertainments

One of Colombo’s most sought-after bands is now a Monday-Tuesday ritual.

With a super repertoire, Top Hats can swing from lounge jazz to dancefloor fire. Big venues love them. Now Gatz gets to claim them.

Wednesday: Enroute with Gananath & Debbie – from 7.00 pm onwards.

Want New York at sunset? This is it. Gananath & Debbie transport you straight to the heady days of Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, and Ray Charles …old-school cool, live and unfiltered.

Thursday to Sunday: Terry & the Big Spenders – from 8.00 pm onwards.

Terry & The Big Spenders

The crowd favourite. A super big band sound that owns the 70s, 80s and 90s.

If you’ve been waiting for horns, harmonies, and nostalgia with volume, Terry & the Big Spenders deliver it nightly. No wonder they’re a huge hit.

Gatz is now an entertainment lounge, in Supper Club style, with Happy Hour very day, from 6.00 pm to 8.00 pm because the night, they say, should start with a toast.

And, from July, weekends at the Gatz go global. Local and foreign guest stars will be around to entertain you. Gatz is certainly booking big.

Wow! That would be another exciting experience for those patronising the most talked about venue in town.

In charge of the new setup is our legendary entertainer/singer Sohan Weerasinghe, along with Imran of Funtime Entertainment.

The twosome, with invaluable assistance from the General Manager, Kamal Munasinghe, and the entire team at Cinnamon Life, have built Gatz into more than a venue. They have turned it into the “Heartbeat of the City.”

So come for happy hour. Stay for Terry’s horns, Sing-along with Enroute and Dance with Top Hats, all on the 23rd floor, and while Colombo sparkles below the bands will take you higher.

Remember, the heartbeat is loudest at Gatz.

Top Hats

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