Midweek Review
City University and utilisation of existing higher education institutions
By Sunil Dahanayake and Samanthi Senaratne
The launch ceremony of the City University took place at the President’s Office and it was followed by a discussion, on TV Derana, among high-ranking officials of the University Grants Commission (UGC). Thereafter, we googled the words ‘City University of Sri Lanka’ and noted the following utopian phrases provided on the City University website.
“COME. DREAM. DO.
There is a beginning to every story, and it is now more vital than ever, to ensure that you have the right start. City University is your platform to launch your dreams into the world.”
This is a catchy phrase used to lure prospective students to these new City Universities planned by the government. Is this a reality or a fantasy? Are Sri Lankan General Certificate of Education (GCE) Advanced Level (A/L) qualified students deceived by such a university project? In this review, we critically analyse these questions and explain the current situation of university and technical education in Sri Lanka. We also provide an alternative proposal for the City University, on how to utilise the existing higher education institutions to improve university education in Sri Lanka.
The dialogue on school and higher education in Sri Lanka was initiated by the President’s policy statement, ‘Soubagye Dakma’ or ‘Vistas of Prosperity’ in November 2019. The presidential policy statement and his verbal presentations emphasised three major areas in higher education reforms to (a) decrease the time gap between the release of GCE A/L results and the university enrolment date; (b) increase the number of students for university enrolments and (c) produce employable graduates. The President has appointed one Cabinet minister for education with four state ministers and among them; two state ministers are responsible for higher education reforms. They are State Minister of Education Reforms, Open Universities and Distance Learning Promotion, and State Minister of Skills Development, Vocational Education, Research and Innovations. This article focuses on the City University concept initiated by the State Minister for Skills Development, Vocational Education, Research, and Innovation (SMSDVERI). The relevant state ministry plans to operate the City University under the Gazette Extraordinary No.2209/14, dated January 4, 2021, as indicated on its website.
Many students who pass the GCE A/L examination fail to gain admission to state universities in Sri Lanka. As per the statistical handbook published by the UGC, the number of students admitted to state universities in 2019/2020 was 41,641 (23 percent) compared to students qualified for admission, which was 181,206. This means that 77 percent of students could not gain admission to state universities in 2019/2020. These students, who are unable to get university admissions, explore various other avenues such as overseas universities, private non-state higher education institutes, professional examinations, the Open University of Sri Lanka (OUSL), and technical colleges to continue their education. The President has emphasised the need to fulfil the aspirations of these GCE A/L qualified students by increasing the enrolment numbers of the state university system of Sri Lanka, with degree programmes that produce employable graduates. The City University project was initiated as a solution to address these concerns.
What is this City University? On the website of City University, it is described as “the first and only tertiary education institution in the country, that will establish a highly industry-centric focus on all the programmes offered.” As mentioned on the website, the focus of the degree programmes offered by the City University is the employability of graduates. Also, the students who are enrolled in its degree programmes will be given practical experience in different disciplines. Thus, the objectives of these City University campuses are human resource development, stakeholder collaboration, development of regional areas and facilitating technology transfer. The City University’s website provides the following information.
“The State Ministry of Skills Development, Vocational Education, Research and Innovation has been vested with the task of establishing City Universities. It has been planned to open a City University in every district. After a feasibility study, five locations were selected to start with. The first CU will be opened in Wagolla, Rambukkana, in the Kegalle District.”
The City University campuses plan to offer bachelor’s degree programmes in Applied Information Technology, Sustainable Tourism and Hospitality Management, Post-Harvest Management and Value Addition.
We appreciate the praiseworthy objective of this City University concept. It can increase the student enrolment numbers in the state university system. Since this project is backed by the government, there is also a possibility of securing some funds from the treasury or donor agencies such as the World Bank and Asian Development Bank. However, there are many weaknesses, which could doom the City University project in the long run, when considering the issues faced by the existing state universities and technical colleges in the country. Hence, we argue that the SMSDVERI ought to evaluate the needs of prospective students and should optimally utilise the available higher education institutions and resources for this purpose.
We are not pessimistic about the intentions of the Ministry of Education and the UGC, but we review this project pragmatically under the concept of ‘Marketing Myopia’ by Theodore Levitt. Levitt (Harvard Business Review, 1960) argues “that most of the dead and dying industries have shown the self-deceiving cycle of bountiful expansion and undetected decay.” Similarly, the designers of the City University concept seem to operate with the perception that thousands of students will enrol in this university without information on academic accreditation, programme details and standard of the academic staff. The City University website does not provide sufficient details on faculty structure, programmes and course descriptions, and the academic staff involved in these programmes. The lack of such information raises the question whether this City University and its degree programmes are properly planned. It seems that the designers of this project have adopted a production-oriented approach rather than a market-oriented approach. Thus, they should not work with the assumption that the GCE A/L qualified students are a vulnerable group who would enrol in any programme offered under a label of a university. They should realise that there are many local and international higher educational institutes operating in Sri Lanka other than state universities. As such, prospective students compare information available on this City University with that of other higher educational institutions in making their enrolment decisions. Further, the best universities in the world are not merely teaching-focused; rather they are vibrant institutions, which focus on all three functions of a university, teaching, research and community service. However, it is questionable whether this proposed City University has been designed to meet all these purposes.
There are 14 state universities, including the OUSL, operating under the UGC, apart from specific purpose universities such as Bhikku Universities and Visual and Performing Arts University. Further, the Sri Lanka Institute of Advanced Technological Education (SLIATE) and its 20 technical colleges also enrol GCE A/L qualified students in their diploma programmes. These existing universities and technical colleges are under-resourced and exhibit many hallmarks of underdevelopment. These include the lack of state-of-the-art lecture halls, the absence of well-developed informational technology (IT) platforms, largely manual administration and finance systems, inadequate funds for research and staff development, and inadequate student accommodation and other facilities. State universities in Sri Lanka except for the two oldest universities, Colombo and Peradeniya, are not among the top universities in the world as per world university rankings due to the above-mentioned limitations in the university system. Most Sri Lankan state universities are mainly teaching-focused instead of both teaching and research-focused, as research funds are inadequate. Under such a resource strained environment, the UGC and SMSDVERI plan to establish 25 City Universities throughout Sri Lanka in addition to the existing 14 main universities making a total of 49 state universities in the country.
We question the rationale behind the government’s plan to spend capital and operational outlay for these City Universities without effectively utilising the resources of existing universities and other higher educational institutions. Therefore, we provide an alternative to utilise the available infrastructure facilities of SLIATE and its technical colleges, OUSL, and Colleges of Education (Teacher Training Colleges) to increase the student enrolment numbers to state universities. We argue that the breeding of new universities does not resolve higher education problems in Sri Lanka unless the existing universities and technical college education system in the country is streamlined.
Missing link between university and technical education
One of the major flaws in our university and technical education system is that these two organisational structures are not connected for the students to enrol in the relevant degree programmes of universities after completing the diploma programmes from technical colleges. Therefore, we suggest combining university and technical college education systems under this City University concept and developing one centralised university with regional university colleges, after absorbing the technical colleges. This combined approach of higher education is similar to the system that exists in developed countries like Australia. For example, Australia has three major levels of education; schools, Technical and Further Education (TAFE) Institutes and Universities. Students who are unable to get direct admission to the universities can enrol in a TAFE College and complete a diploma programme after completing the year 12 examination. Subsequently, these students can enter a university and complete a degree programme. The TAFE Colleges in Australia also provide education options for adult learners and school dropouts to improve their careers. Therefore, the UGC and SMSDVERI can develop a similar scheme to link universities and technical colleges to increase the number of students admitted to state universities.
Technical colleges are administered by SLIATE and come under the purview of SMSDVERI. These technical colleges offer diploma level and certificate level programmes under various subjects such as business studies, accounting and engineering. Diploma qualifications of technical college students are not currently considered sufficiently in enrolling students in undergraduate and postgraduate degree programmes in the state universities despite the provisions for such, in the Sri Lanka Qualification Framework (SLQF). Examples are the Higher National Diploma in Accountancy (HNDA) and Higher National Diploma in Commerce (HNDC) conducted by the technical colleges under the SLIATE. These two diplomas are considered inferior to the degrees in Accounting and Commerce conducted by the state universities. Hence, the students of technical colleges are at a disadvantage when finding jobs and pursuing university education in Sri Lanka. This missing link between university and technical college education does not support the young and adult learners, who have missed direct entry to the university system through GCE A/L results. Therefore, we suggest combining and streamlining the higher education programmes of state universities and technical colleges under the concept of City University.
Utilising organisational structure of SLIATE and Technical Colleges
The SMSDVERI can reorganise and streamline the SLIATE and its 20 technical colleges into one centralised university with affiliated university colleges, instead of constructing 25 new universities under the City University Concept. The current 20 technical colleges can operate as affiliated university colleges, under the umbrella of the proposed centralised university. The proposed centralised university can be established in the Maradana or Dehiwala Technical College utilising the available resources and facilities. This proposal may require amendments to the SLIATE and University Acts, evaluation of the diploma programmes conducted by the technical colleges and upgrading some of them as degree programmes under various faculties. Finally, this process of reorganisation should be followed by launching a marketing campaign to attract students, parents, and other stakeholders. We believe that reorganising and streamlining the SLIATE and its technical colleges will result in an increase in university student enrolment, as expected by the City University concept.
It is also necessary to evaluate skilled occupation areas identified by developed countries during reorganisation of higher education systems. We examined the Australian skilled migration occupation categories as provided in the web link of the Australian Department of Home Affairs. Accordingly, skilled employment areas with the highest demand are Medicine, Engineering, Architecture, Accounting, Auditing and Finance, Information Technology, Allied Health Sciences and Nursing and Hospitality and Tourism Management. The demand is also high for technically proficient personnel such as Motor Mechanics, Bricklayers, Welders and Electricians. Hence, we are of the view that the UGC and higher education authorities should assess the local and global employment needs when developing university education programmes instead of haphazard development of City University campuses in every district.
The proposed centralised university and its affiliated university colleges can establish schools or faculties for the subject streams based on employer demands as highlighted above. Accordingly, Engineering, Accounting and Business Administration, Information Technology, Hospitality and Tourism Management, Allied Health Sciences and Nursing can be considered as priority subject areas. Further, a Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences should be established to cater to students’ languages and social sciences knowledge and skills improvement. Diplomas that are currently offered by SLIATE through its technical colleges should be revised under the above subject categories. The duration of the basic diploma or associate degrees should be limited to a two-year period or four semesters. Diploma holders or associate degree holders, who want to continue their studies, should enroll in university level degree programmes offered by these affiliated university colleges of the centralised university.
In this proposed centralised university and affiliated university college system, students should be allowed to complete double major diploma or degree programmes such as Engineering and Business Administration, Business Administration and English Language and Tourism and Hospitality Management and Accounting. Hence, students who want to launch their own enterprises are facilitated as they are equipped with the necessary subject knowledge and technical skills in entrepreneurship. For example, a student who wants to open a hotel can opt for a joint diploma or degree in Tourism and Hospitality Management, and Business Administration. These proposed diplomas or associate degree programmes should be incorporated with internships, in addition to the theoretical knowledge. Thereby, these students can find local and foreign jobs as soon as they complete the diploma or degree programmes. We noted that the proposed City University has given due consideration to the provision of practical training, which is commendable.
Combining with OUSL and Colleges of Education
The proposed centralised university and affiliated university college system can also be combined with the existing academic programmes of OUSL, and Colleges of Education. The OUSL with its main campus in Nawala, nine regional centres and 19 study centres operate distance mode degree programmes under six academic faculties. Consequently, this City University can introduce inter-university enrolments with OUSL. The OUSL requires classrooms that are compatible with state-of-the-art teaching technologies in the Nawala campus, which can support both in-house and distance mode education programmes to increase student enrolment numbers. The academic coordination for each subject unit can be done by a senior lecturer at the main campus with the support of a few assistant lecturers in regional centres. Therefore, opportunities and resources are available to execute this proposed university system with the support of the OUSL.
There are also several Colleges of Education in Sri Lanka such as Nilwala National College of Education, Ruwanpura National College of Education, and Sri Pada College of Education. A few of these Colleges of Education can be upgraded to universities and combined with this proposed centralised university and its affiliated university colleges. These upgraded Colleges of Education can commence degree programmes in other subject streams in addition to the diploma programmes in education. The diploma in education programmes can be upgraded into a BA degree in education. We also noted a news item in the Daily Mirror, dated September 2, 2021, which reported that Jeevan Thondaman, State Minister for Estate Housing and Community Infrastructure, was in discussion with the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu on getting assistance to establish a university for upcountry Tamil students. As such, what we have suggested in this article on upgrading the Colleges of Education meets the demands of the social and political system. Thus, Sri Pada College of Education can be upgraded to a university to offer degree programmes in education and other subject streams. We noted that the ministerial sub-committee appointed to propose solutions for the salary anomalies of school teachers has also proposed the upgrade of these Colleges of Education into universities.
In summary, the proposed city university can be operated using the SLIATE and its technical colleges as a new centralised university with affiliated university colleges. Further, it can be linked with the OUSL and upgraded Colleges of Education as universities. In our opinion, this is a more pragmatic solution than establishing new city universities in every district, which is unrealistic when considering the fragile economic state of the country.
We have discussed the proposed City University concept and alternative solutions for the development of higher education institutions in Sri Lanka. In this analysis, we raise the question why the government is not utilising the available resources of the SLIATE and its technical college campuses, OUSL and Colleges of Education to increase the student enrolment numbers at universities and re-vitalising these organisations. We noted that the Ministry of Education focuses on constructing new universities without considering the effective utilisation of these existing resources. Hence, we argue that the City University concept is a utopian fantasy rather than a pragmatic project when considering the current economic and socio-political environment of Sri Lanka.
Universities and higher education institutions fulfil three main functions; teaching, research, and community services. However, universities and technical colleges in Sri Lanka do not have adequate resources to carry out these tasks effectively. For example, lecture halls and information technology systems are outdated and cannot compete with universities in the developed world. The administration and financial management systems are outdated and are largely manually operated. The academics are not provided with adequate research funds. State universities in Sri Lanka mostly focus on teaching and not on research as reflected in the world university rankings. State universities in Sri Lanka have received poor ratings in the world university ranking indexes such as Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) and Times Higher Education rankings due to the lack of quality research publications. The University of Colombo and the University of Peradeniya have been ranked between 1,000 and 1,200 best universities in the world by QS ranking whereas Times Higher Education ranked University of Peradeniya between 401 nad 500 and University of Colombo between 801 and 1,000. The other 12 state universities have not been included in these rankings. The City University, with the above indicated deficiencies, can lower the bar of accreditation of degrees awarded by state universities in Sri Lanka in the international arena. This would negatively impact skilled employment and higher education opportunities for Sri Lankan university graduates in developed countries.
What Sri Lanka needs is the streamlining and reorganising of existing universities, technical colleges, and colleges of education under the UGC for mutual recognition of degree and diploma programmes offered by these institutions. Hence, we have provided an alternative solution to increase the student enrolment of the existing universities, technical colleges, and colleges of education under this City University project using the available resources. The SLIATE maintains about 20 technical college campuses scattered around Sri Lanka and offers 14 diploma programmes. Therefore, it is apparent that the SLIATE and its technical colleges have the required organisational structure, staff, and academic programmes. Hence, what is required is the reorganisation or streamlining of SLIATE and its technical colleges into one centralised university with affiliated university colleges under the concept ‘City University’. A new centralised university campus can be set up either at Maradana or Dehiwala technical college.
The OUSL and its regional centres can also be used to offer degree programmes under the proposed system, which will enable an inter-university enrolment system. The OUSL can offer degree programmes for students of these affiliated university colleges. Further, a few Colleges of Education scattered around Sri Lanka can be upgraded into universities and the current diploma in education programmes can be restructured as a BA degree in Education, under its faculty of education. Further, these Colleges of Education, which are upgraded into universities, can commence degree programmes in other subject streams such as Management, Information Technology, Hospitality and Tourism Management, Engineering and Health Sciences.
We emphasise that the existing capacity of universities should be effectively utilised while focusing on obtaining international accreditation for state universities through expansion of research activities. Further, the Sri Lankan university system should be made flexible by abandoning the archaic systems of student enrolments, embracing inter-university and inter-faculty enrolments, and introducing double major degree programmes. These changes would enhance the quality of university education. We reiterate the fact that the Ministry of Education, two State Ministries for Higher Education, UGC, SLIATE, OUSL, other state universities, National Institute of Education (NIE) and Colleges of Education need to act together to optimally use the existing organisations and their resources to achieve long-term objectives of higher education in Sri Lanka.
Promoters of the City University concept have crafted an image of a utopian university, which reminds us of Thomas More’s concept of ‘utopia’ (1516) , John Henry Newman’s ‘Idea of a University’ (1873) and Robert Maynard Hutchins’ ‘The University of Utopia’ (1953). Hutchins, who served as the President of the University of Chicago, argued that the function of a university is to develop learned responsible citizens, instead of producing mere technicians. Hence, the proposed City University falls short of those philosophical concepts and will add another expenditure line item to the national budget.
Sunil Dahanayake, PhD, FCA is a Chartered Accountant and Samanthi Senaratne, PhD is Senior Professor in Accounting, Department of Accounting, University of Sri Jayewardenepura. She can be reached via email at samanthisenaratne@sjp.ac.lk)
Midweek Review
Year ends with the NPP govt. on the back foot
The failure on the part of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) government to fulfil a plethora of promises given in the run up to the last presidential election, in September, 2024, and a series of incidents, including cases of corruption, and embarrassing failure to act on a specific weather alert, ahead of Cyclone Ditwah, had undermined the administration beyond measure.
Ditwah dealt a knockout blow to the arrogant and cocky NPP. If the ruling party consented to the Opposition proposal for a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe the events leading to the November 27 cyclone, the disclosure would be catastrophic, even for the all-powerful Executive President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, as responsible government bodies, like the Disaster Management Centre that horribly failed in its duty, and the Met Department that alerted about the developing storm, but the government did not heed its timely warnings, directly come under his purview.
The NPP is on the back foot and struggling to cope up with the rapidly developing situation. In spite of having both executive presidency and an overwhelming 2/3 majority in Parliament, the government seems to be weak and in total disarray.
The regular appearance of President Dissanayake in Parliament, who usually respond deftly to criticism, thereby defending his parliamentary group, obviously failed to make an impression. Overall, the top NPP leadership appeared to have caused irreparable damage to the NPP and taken the shine out of two glorious electoral victories at the last presidential and parliamentary polls held in September and November 2024 respectively.
The NPP has deteriorated, both in and out of Parliament. The performance of the 159-member NPP parliamentary group, led by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, doesn’t reflect the actual situation on the ground or the developing political environment.
Having repeatedly boasted of its commitment to bring about good governance and accountability, the current dispensation proved in style that it is definitely not different from the previous lots or even worse. (The recent arrest of a policeman who claimed of being assaulted by a gang, led by an NPP MP, emphasised that so-called system change is nothing but a farce) In the run-up to the November, 2024, parliamentary polls, President Dissanayake, who is the leader of both the JVP and NPP, declared that the House should be filled with only NPPers as other political parties were corrupt. Dissanayake cited the Parliament defeating the no-confidence motions filed against Ravi Karunanayake (2016/over Treasury Bond scams) and Keheliya Rambukwella (2023/against health sector corruption) to promote his argument. However, recently the ongoing controversy over patient deaths, allegedly blamed on the administration of Ondansetron injections, exposed the government.
Mounting concerns over drug safety and regulatory oversight triggered strong calls from medical professionals, and trade unions, for the resignation of senior officials at the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) and the State Pharmaceutical Corporation (SPC).
Medical and civil rights groups declared that the incident exposed deep systemic failures in Sri Lanka’s drug regulatory framework, with critics warning that the collapse of quality assurance mechanisms is placing patients’ lives at grave risk.
The Medical and Civil Rights Professional Association of Doctors (MCRPA), and allied trade unions, accused health authorities of gross negligence and demanded the immediate resignation of senior NMRA and SPC officials.
MCRPA President Dr. Chamal Sanjeewa is on record as having said that the Health Ministry, NMRA and SPC had collectively failed to ensure patient safety, citing, what he described as, a failed drug regulatory system.
The controversy has taken an unexpected turn with some alleging that the NPP government, on behalf of Sri Lanka and India, in April this year, entered into an agreement whereby the former agreed to lower quality/standards of medicine imports.
Trouble begins with Ranwala’s resignation
The NPP suffered a humiliating setback when its National List MP Asoka Ranwala had to resign from the post of Speaker on 13 December, 2024, following intense controversy over his educational qualification. The petroleum sector trade union leader served as the Speaker for a period of three weeks and his resignation shook the party. Ranwala, first time entrant to Parliament was one of the 18 NPP National List appointees out of a total of 29. The Parliament consists of 196 elected and 29 appointed members. Since the introduction of the National List, in 1989, there had never been an occasion where one party secured 18 slots.
The JVP/NPP made an initial bid to defend Ranwala but quickly gave it up and got him to resign amidst media furor. Ranwala dominated the social media as political rivals exploited the controversy over his claimed doctorate from the Waseda University of Japan, which he has failed to prove to this day. But, the JVP/NPP had to suffer a second time as a result of Ranwala’s antics when he caused injuries to three persons, including a child, on 11 December, in the Sapugaskanda police area.
The NPP made a pathetic, UNP and SLFP style effort to save the parliamentarian by blaming the Sapugaskanda police for not promptly subjecting him for a drunk driving test. The declaration made by the Government Analyst Department that the parliamentarian hadn’t been drunk at the time of the accident, several days after the accident, does not make any difference. Having experienced the wrongdoing of successive previous governments, the public, regardless of what various interested parties propagated on social media, realise that the government is making a disgraceful bid to cover-up.
No less a person than President Dissanayake is on record as having said that their members do not consume liquor. Let us wait for the outcome of the internal investigation into the lapses on the part of the Sapugaskanda police with regard to the accident that happened near Denimulla Junction, in Sapugaskanda.
JVP/NPP bigwigs obviously hadn’t learnt from the Weligama W 15 hotel attack in December, 2023, that ruined President Ranil Wickremeinghe’s administration. That incident exposed the direct nexus between the government and the police in carrying out Mafia-style operations. Although the two incidents cannot be compared as the circumstances differ, there is a similarity. Initially, police headquarters represented the interests of the wrongdoers, while President Wickremesinghe bent over backwards to retain the man who dispatched the CCD (Colombo Crime Division) team to Weligama, as the IGP. The UNP leader went to the extent of speaking to Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, and Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to push his agenda. There is no dispute the then Public Security Minister Tiran Alles wanted Deshabandu Tennakoon as IGP, regardless of a spate of accusations against him, in addition to him being faulted by the Supreme Court in a high-profile fundamental rights application.
The JVP/NPP must have realised that though the Opposition remained disorganised and ineffective, thanks to the media, particularly social media, a case of transgression, if not addressed swiftly and properly, can develop into a crisis. Action taken by the government to protect Ranwala is a case in point. Government leaders must have heaved a sigh of relief as Ranwala is no longer the Speaker when he drove a jeep recklessly and collided with a motorcycle and a car.
Major cases, key developments
Instead of addressing public concerns, the government sought to suppress the truth by manipulating and exploiting developments
* The release of 323 containers from the Colombo Port, in January 2025, is a case in point. The issue at hand is whether the powers that be took advantage of the port congestion to clear ‘red-flagged’ containers.
Although the Customs repeatedly declared that they did nothing wrong and such releases were resorted even during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency (July 2022 to September 2024), the public won’t buy that. Container issue remains a mystery. That controversy eroded public confidence in the NPP that vowed 100 percent transparency in all its dealings. But the way the current dispensation handled the Port congestion proved that transparency must be the last thing in the minds of the JVPers/NPPers holding office.
* The JVP/NPP’s much touted all-out anti-corruption stand suffered a debilitating blow over their failure to finalise the appointment of a new Auditor General. In spite of the Opposition, the civil society, and the media, vigorously taking up this issue, the government continued to hold up the appointment by irresponsibly pushing for an appointment acceptable to President Dissanayake. The JVP/NPP is certainly pursuing a strategy contrary to what it preached while in the Opposition and found fault with successive governments for trying to manipulate the AG. It would be pertinent to mention that President Dissanayake should accept the responsibility for the inordinate delay in proposing a suitable person to that position. The government failed to get the approval of the Constitutional Council more than once to install a favourite of theirs in it, thanks to the forthright position taken by its civil society representatives.
The government should be ashamed of its disgraceful effort to bring the Office of the Auditor General under its thumb:
* The JVP/NPP government’s hotly disputed decision to procure 1,775 brand-new double cab pickup trucks, at a staggering cost exceeding Rs. 12,500 mn, under controversial circumstances, exposed the duplicity of that party that painted all other political parties black. Would the government rethink the double cab deal, especially in the wake of economic ruination caused by Cyclone Ditwah? The top leadership seems to be determined to proceed with their original plans, regardless of immeasurable losses caused by Cyclone Ditwah. Post-cyclone efforts still remain at a nascent stage with the government putting on a brave face. The top leadership has turned a blind eye to the overwhelming challenge in getting the country back on track especially against the backdrop of its agreement with the IMF.
Post-Cyclone Ditwah recovery process is going to be slow and extremely painful. Unfortunately, both the government and the Opposition are hell-bent on exploiting the miserable conditions experienced by its hapless victims. The government is yet to acknowledge that it could have faced the crisis much better if it acted on the warning issued by Met Department Chief Athula Karunanayake on 12 November, two weeks before the cyclone struck.
Foreign policy dilemma
Sri Lanka moved further closer to India and the US this year as President Dissanayake entered into several new agreements with them. In spite of criticism, seven Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs), including one on defence, remains confidential. What are they hiding?
Within weeks after signing of the seven MoUs, India bought the controlling interests in the Colombo Dockyard Limited for USD 52 mn.
Although some Opposition members, representing the SJB, raised the issue, their leader Sajith Premadasa, during a subsequent visit to New Delhi, indicated he wouldn’t, under any circumstances, raise such a contentious issue.
Premadasa went a step further. The SJB leader assured his unwavering commitment to the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution that was forced on Sri Lanka during President JRJ’s administration, under the highly questionable Indo-Lanka Accord of July, 1987, after the infamous parippu drop by Indian military aircraft over Jaffna, their version of the old gunboat diplomacy practiced by the West.
Both India and the US consolidated their position here further in the post-Aragalaya period. Those who felt that the JVP would be in a collision course with them must have been quite surprised by the turn of events and the way post-Aragalaya Sri Lanka leaned towards the US-India combine with not a hum from our carboard revolutionaries now installed in power. They certainly know which side of the bread is buttered. Sri Lanka’s economic deterioration, and the 2023 agreement with the IMF, had tied up the country with the US-led bloc.
In spite of India still procuring large quantities of Russian crude oil and its refusal to condemn Russia over the conflict in Ukraine, New Delhi has obviously reached consensus with the US on a long-term partnership to meet the formidable Chinese challenge. Both countries feel each other’s support is incalculably vital and indispensable.
Sri Lanka, India, and Japan, in May 2019, signed a Memorandum of Cooperation (MoC) to jointly develop the East Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port. That was during the tail end of the Yahapalana administration. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration wanted to take that project forward. But trade unions, spearheaded by the JVP/NPP combine, thwarted a tripartite agreement on the basis that they opposed privatisation of the Colombo Port at any level.
But, the Colombo West International Terminal (CWIT) project, that was launched in November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency, became fully operational in April this year. The JVP revolutionary tiger has completely changed its stripes regarding foreign investments and privatisation. If the JVP remained committed to its previous strategies, India taking over CDL or CWIT would have been unrealistic.
The failure on the part of the government to reveal its stand on visits by foreign research vessels to ports here underscored the intensity of US and Indian pressure. Hope our readers remember how US and India compelled the then President Wickremesinghe to announce a one-year moratorium on such visits. In line with that decision Sri Lanka declared research vessels wouldn’t be allowed here during 2024. The NPP that succeeded Wickremesinghe’s administration in September, 2024, is yet to take a decision on foreign research vessels. What a pity?
The NPP ends the year on the back foot, struggling to cope up with daunting challenges, both domestic and external. The recent revelation of direct Indian intervention in the 2022 regime change project here along with the US underscored the gravity of the situation and developing challenges. Post-cyclone period will facilitate further Indian and US interventions for obvious reasons.
****

Perhaps one of the most debated events in 2025 was the opening of ‘City of Dreams Sri Lanka’ that included, what the investors called, a world-class casino. In spite of mega Bollywood star Shah Rukh Khan’s unexpected decision to pull out of the grand opening on 02 August, the investors went ahead with the restricted event. The Chief Guest was President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the Finance Minister, in addition to being the Defence Minister. Among the other notable invitees were Dissanayake’s predecessor Ranil Wickremesinghe, whose administration gave critical support to the high-profile project, worth over USD 1.2 bn. John Keells Holdings PLC (JKH) and Melco Resorts & Entertainment (Melco) invested in the project that also consist of the luxurious Nüwa hotel and a premium shopping mall. Who would have thought President Dissanayake’s participation, even remotely, possible, against the backdrop of his strong past public opposition to gambling of any kind?
Don’t forget ‘City of Dreams’ received a license to operate for a period of 20 years. Definitely an unprecedented situation. Although that license had been issued by the Wickremesinghe administration, the NPP, or any other political party represented in Parliament, didn’t speak publicly about that matter. Interesting, isn’t it, coming from people, still referred by influential sections of the Western media, as avowed Marxists?
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
The Aesthetics and the Visual Politics of an Artisanal Community
Through the Eyes of the Patua:
Organised by the Colombo Institute for Human Sciences in collaboration with Millennium Art Contemporary, an interesting and unique exhibition got underway in the latter’s gallery in Millennium City, Oruwala on 21 December 2025. The exhibition is titled, ‘Through the Eyes of the Patua: Ramayana Paintings of an Artisanal Community’ and was organized in parallel with the conference that was held on 20 December 2025 under the theme, ‘Move Your Shadow: Rediscovering Ravana, Forms of Resistance and Alternative Universes in the Tellings of the Ramayana.’ The scrolls on display at the gallery are part of the over 100 scrolls in the collection of Colombo Institute’s ‘Roma Chatterji Patua Scroll Collection.’ Prof Chatterji, who taught Sociology at University of Delhi and at present teaches at Shiv Nadar University donated the scrolls to the Colombo Institute in 2024.
The paintings on display are what might be called narrative scrolls that are often over ten feet long. Each scroll narrates a story, with separate panels pictorially depicting one component of a story. The Patuas or the Chitrakars, as they are also known, are traditionally bards. A bard will sing the story that is depicted by each scroll which is simultaneously unfurled. For Sri Lankan viewers for whom the paintings and their contexts of production and use would be unusual and unfamiliar, the best way to understand them is to consider them as a comic strip. In the case of the ongoing exhibition, since the bards or the live songs are not a part of it, the word and voice elements are missing. However, the curators have endeavoured to address this gap by displaying a series of video presentations of the songs, how they are performed and the history of the Patuas as part of the exhibition itself.
The unfamiliarity of the art on display and their histories, necessitates broader explanation. The Patua hail from Medinipur District of West Bengal in India. Essentially, this community of artisans are traditional painters and singers who compose stories based on sacred texts such as the Ramayana or Mahabharata as well as secular events that can vary from the bombing of the Twin Towers in New York in 2001 to the Indian Ocean Tsunami of 2004. Even though painted storytelling is done by a number of traditional artisan groups in India, the Patua is the only community where performers and artists belong to the same group. Hence, Professor Chatterji, in her curatorial note for the exhibition calls them “the original multi-media performers in Bengal.”
‘The story of the Patuas’ also is an account of what happens to such artisanal communities in contemporary times in South Asia more broadly even though this specific story is from India. There was a time before the 21st century when such communities were living and working across a large part of eastern India – each group with a claim to their recognizably unique style of painting. However, at the present time, this community and their vocation is limited to areas such as Medinipur, Birbhum, Purulia in West Bengal and Dumka in Jharkhand.
A pertinent question is how the scroll painters from Medinipur have survived the vagaries of time when others have not. Professor Chatterji provides an important clue when she notes that these painters, “unlike their counterparts elsewhere, are also extremely responsive to political events.” As such, “apart from a rich repertoire of stories based on myth and folklore, including the Ramayana and other epics, they have, over many years, also composed on themes that range from events of local or national significance such as boat accidents and communal violence to global events such as the tsunami and the attack on the World Trade Centre.”
There is another interesting aspect that becomes evident when one looks into the socio-cultural background of this community. As Professor Chatterji writes, “one significant feature that gives a distinct flavour to their stories is the fact that a majority of Chitrakars consider themselves to be Muslims but perform stories based largely on Hindu myths.” In this sense, their story complicates the tension-ridden dichotomies between ethno-cultural and religious groups typical of relations between groups in India as well as more broadly in South Asia, including in Sri Lanka. Prof Chatterji suggests this positionality allows the Patua to have “a truly secular voice so vital in the world that we live in today.”
As a result, she notes, contemporary Patuas “have propagated the message of communal harmony in their compositions in the context of the recent riots in India and the Gulf War. Their commentaries couched in the language of myth are profoundly symbolic and draw on a rich oral tradition of storytelling.” What is even more important is their “engagement with contemporary issues also inflects their aesthetics” because many of these painters also “experiment with novel painterly values inspired by recent interaction with new media such as comic books and with folk art forms from other parts of the country.”
From this varied repertoire of the Patuas’ painterly tradition, this exhibition focusses on scrolls portraying different aspects of the Ramayana. In North Indian and the more dominant renditions of the Ramayana, the focus is on Rama while in many alternate renditions this shifts to Ravana as typified by versions popular among the Sinhalas and Tamils in Sri Lanka as well as in some areas in several Indian states. Compared to this, the Patua renditions in the exhibition mostly illustrate the abduction of Sita with a pronounced focus on Sita and not on Ravana, the conventional antagonist or on Rama, the conventional protagonist. As a result, these two traditional male colossuses are distant. Moreover, with the focus on Sita, these folk renditions also bring to the fore other figures directly associated with her such as her sons Luv and Kush in the act of capturing Rama’s victory horse as well as Lakshmana.
Interestingly, almost as a counter narrative, which also serves as a comparison to these Ramayana scrolls, the exhibition also presents three scrolls known as ‘bin-Laden Patas’ depicting different renditions on the attack on New York’s Twin Towers.
While the painted scrolls in this collection have been exhibited thrice in India, this is the first time they are being exhibited in Sri Lanka, and it is quite likely such paintings from any community beyond Sri Lanka’s shores were not available for viewing in the country before this. Organised with no diplomatic or political affiliation and purely as a Sri Lankan cultural effort with broader South Asian interest, it is definitely worth a visit. The exhibition will run until 10 January 2026.
Midweek Review
Spoils of Power
Power comes like a demonic spell,
To restless humans constantly in chains,
And unless kept under a tight leash,
It drives them from one ill deed to another,
And among the legacies they thus deride,
Are those timeless truths lucidly proclaimed,
By prophets, sages and scribes down the ages,
Hailing from Bethlehem, Athens, Isipathana,
And other such places of hallowed renown,
Thus plunging themselves into darker despair.
By Lynn Ockersz
-
News6 days agoMembers of Lankan Community in Washington D.C. donates to ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ Flood Relief Fund
-
News4 days agoBritish MP calls on Foreign Secretary to expand sanction package against ‘Sri Lankan war criminals’
-
News7 days agoAir quality deteriorating in Sri Lanka
-
News7 days agoCardinal urges govt. not to weaken key socio-cultural institutions
-
Features6 days agoGeneral education reforms: What about language and ethnicity?
-
Opinion7 days agoRanwala crash: Govt. lays bare its true face
-
News6 days agoSuspension of Indian drug part of cover-up by NMRA: Academy of Health Professionals
-
News7 days agoCID probes unauthorised access to PNB’s vessel monitoring system
