Editorial
Chicken or the egg?
What will come first, the presidential or the parliamentary election? That is the multi-million dollar question. But Basil Rajapaksa, American citizen recently back from his second home in the U.S. where his family lives, and recently replaced as the pohottuwa’s national organizer by nephew Namal, muddied the waters a little more last week by telling a television talk show that both elections can be held together on one day. Despite shedding his title, BR remains the eminence grise of the SLPP, and must be taken seriously. Whether two elections are possible on the same day or not, we do not know. But the elections commissioner went on record a few days ago saying his department was geared to hold two elections this year though only the presidential election has been funded by the budget.
As is now well known, BR floated a straw in the wind a few days after his return from a long sojourn in the U.S. by going public with the view that holding a general election before the presidential election would be the fairer sequence. He correctly said that if the presidential poll is held first, the vaasi paththata hoiya (hurrah for the winning side) principle will hold sway and the new president, empowered like the incumbent, to dissolve parliament at any time now as two and a half years of the present term of the legislature has passed, is very likely to seize the initiative before Aug. 2025 when the next parliamentary election is mandated. He would naturally take advantage of his victory to reap the biggest possible dividend at a parliamentary election as quickly as possible. This is similar to what JRJ did after his presidential election victory in October 1982. He did not dissolve parliament but called a national referendum in December of that year to keep it going for a further term without an election.
It has been widely alleged that the referendum was rigged. While this has not been conclusively proved, the people are very well aware that the law of not displaying symbols (lamp for ‘yes’ and pot for ‘no’) was flagrantly violated. JRJ tried to apply a veneer of respectability to what he had done by getting MPs who did not get the majority in their electorates at his own (that is JRJ’s election) and at the referendum to resign their parliamentary seats and run at consequent by-elections. But there too he made exceptions like Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel (who was moved from his previous Devinuwara seat to Bulathsinhala without facing a by-election) and at Panadura where the UNP funked running against the late Dr. Neville Fernando.
While there is no word yet of any parliamentary election this year, it is common knowledge that the presidential election is constitutionally mandated and must be held some time between next September and October. NPP/JVP leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake who is making another attempt to win the presidency and is campaigning both at home and among Lankans domiciled abroad has made bold to predict Sept. 28 or Oct. 5 as likely days for the poll. Elections are usually held on Saturdays and AKD has predicted two possible Saturdays for the contest. Critics, of course, says Dissanayake is not the elections commissioner and he has no business predicting likely polling dates. Be that as it may, let us get back to Basil Rajapaksa’s suggestion that both elections be held on the same day. There are neither constitutional nor legal barriers to this but most will believe that it will impracticable to run two elections on the same day.
While the president had not yet personally declared his candidature, his intimates have done so and it’s clear that an RW election machine is now rolling. If RW should fall in with the wishes of Basil Rajapaksa and dissolve parliament in the near future, the constitution requires him to hold an election with resources from the consolidated fund drawn as necessary. But if the president will not play ball, parliament by a simple majority of those present and voting can compel an election. But many sitting MPs on either side of the House, not having served five years to qualify for a pension, will not favour an early election. Having stridently demanded any election after GR’s ouster, most opposition MPs will find it difficult to vote against a dissolution.
SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa has issued an edict to his party members not to speculate on a possible candidate for the party ticket at the forthcoming election. SLPP leaders say they will take a decision at “the proper time.” Billionaire business tycoon Dhammika Perera who had signaled an interest in running for the presidency have in recent weeks being keeping a low profile.
As of now there appears to be three runners – Wickremesinghe, Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake. The ressident can, of course, decide not to run if he expects to be beaten and serve out GR’s term till November. There is a public perception backed by various polls that the NPP/JVP which has, as in the past, displayed formidable organizational muscle and been touted as a front runner by various polls, has moved forward substantially from the 3.16 percent vote share it polled at the November 2019 presidential election and the 3.84 percent polled by the Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB) under which banner the NPP/JVP of today ran a the August 2020 parliamentary election.
There is no doubt that those number have surged and no longer holds true. Minorities, both religious and communal, have not yet shown their hands. There are other hopeless hopefuls too but whether they will eventually toss their hats into the ring is an open question. Dummy candidates will, as usual, be fielded by the front runners looking for the various facilities candidates are entitled to or splitting the votes of some of their opponents. However all that be, the country will be treated to interesting times in her political scene in the forthcoming weeks and months.
Editorial
Saving Anojan: Beyond Executioner’s Blade
Friday 16th October, 2026
Glad tidings come occasionally amidst doom and gloom. Sri Lankans are elated that the Supreme Court of Saudi Arabia has set aside the death sentence imposed on Anojan Sivarasa. He was initially sentenced to five years’ imprisonment and fined three million Saudi riyals over a Facebook comment deemed insulting to the Prophet Muhammad. The death sentence was subsequently imposed on appeal, forcing Sri Lanka to redouble its efforts to save him. The Opposition lost no time in raking the government over the coals, claiming that it had ruined the chances of saving Anojan.
Anojan has been spared the death penalty, but that does not mean his freedom has been secured. His legal fate remains uncertain. Conflicting interpretations of the Saudi Supreme Court ruling and media reports based on them do not establish whether he will face another sentence at the rehearing or incur other legal consequences for the offence of which he was convicted. A prolonged stay in a Saudi prison could prove a fate worse than death. Anojan has already suffered an assault at the hands of a fellow inmate. His ordeal, therefore, is far from over. It is fervently hoped that he will secure his freedom, return to Sri Lanka and be reunited with his family.
It is both heartening and ironic that a government led by the JVP, an organisation with a history of kangaroo trials and extrajudicial executions, has striven to save a life, and rightly so. One hopes that the government will continue to uphold the same respect for the right to life in its broader sense, a fundamental human rights principle that encompasses not only protection against arbitrary deprivation of life but also the state’s duty to safeguard life. Saving Anojan from the executioner’s blade is therefore a welcome act. But respect for the right to life must extend beyond a single individual facing execution abroad. According to the UN Human Rights Committee, the right to life encompasses protection against unlawful killing, foreseeable threats to life, and conditions that prevent people from living with dignity. These include access to essential healthcare and other basic services, protection against environmental degradation and public hazards, and safeguards against deaths in state custody. The principle applies to everyone, including suspects and convicted criminals, regardless of the gravity of their offences.
It is said that victory has a thousand fathers but defeat is an orphan. So, it is only natural that both the government and the Opposition are claiming credit for saving Anojan. If the Saudi Supreme Court had upheld the death sentence, they would have blamed each other.
Sri Lankan taxpayers, who are struggling to keep their heads above water amidst numerous economic hardships and crying out for relief, have a right to know how much the legal and diplomatic efforts to save Anojan from execution have cost the public purse. The government must disclose the expenditure incurred, including legal fees, travel and other related expenses, and explain the principles governing the use of public funds for such interventions.
The government should also make it very clear that all Sri Lankans working or living abroad must understand that they are subject to the laws of their host countries and that insulting religions or committing other offences can have grave consequences. Those who knowingly violate such laws must be prepared to face the legal consequences. At the same time, any policy must allow for exceptional cases in which fundamental rights, access to justice or the risk of disproportionate punishment warrant direct state intervention.
One important lesson that Anojan’s predicament holds for social media users is that freedom of expression is not the freedom of the wild ass. It has limits, and, as the familiar saying goes, one person’s freedom ends where another person’s nose begins.
Editorial
War for votes in the offing?
Thursday 15th Octobber, 2026
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is reportedly cranking up pressure on US President Donald Trump to resume military strikes on Iran ahead of the upcoming elections in Israel and the US. Trump recently declared that there would be no military operations against Iran until the conclusion of the US midterm elections in November, but speculation is rife that Netanyahu may be able to persuade him to change his mind.
Netanyahu appears to view the Iran conflict through the Clausewitzian lens. Prussian General and military theorist Carl von Clausewitz has argued that war is not an isolated military undertaking divorced from political considerations; it is an instrument used by states to achieve political objectives when other means prove insufficient or when leaders choose to resort to force. Critics of Israel claim that Netanyahu is trying to further his own political interests by escalating an international conflict. They argue that Netanyahu’s support base has shrunk considerably at home as he is facing criminal charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust in three separate cases, and therefore he is using the Iran conflict, etc., to portray himself as a leader best equipped to deal with threats to Israel’s security.
Renewed military confrontation with Iran could give a big fillip to Netanyahu’s election campaign. Political scientists call this phenomenon ‘diversionary war theory’; leaders facing declining popularity, domestic unrest or threats to their tenure tend to use an international confrontation to redirect public attention, stimulate patriotism and rally citizens around their governments.
In the US, the Republicans face a serious risk of suffering a huge setback at the upcoming midterms and losing control of the House of Representatives, while their chances of retaining the Senate are believed to be considerably better, although Democrats now have a realistic opportunity to capture it as well. Current forecasts favour the Democrats in both chambers, but the Senate contest remains much closer. This is an unsettling proposition for President Trump, who will not hesitate to do everything in his power to improve his party’s electoral chances.
Meanwhile, Netanyahu’s desperation to retain his hold on power amidst the Israeli Opposition recovering lost ground has given rise to several conspiracy theories, the most prominent among them being that the recent attempted hijacking of Flydubai flight was an Israeli false-flag operation; the incident was staged for political purposes. It may be recalled that a conspiracy theory about the Hamas attack on Israel in 2023 alleged that Netanyahu had prior knowledge of the assault but deliberately allowed it to happen because the resulting war would strengthen his political position.
World history is replete with instances where rulers fought wars to consolidate their power at home. Historians tell us that Napoleon III involved France in the Crimean War so as to strengthen its legitimacy and restore France’s international standing. Russia’s war in Chechnya enabled Vladimir Putin to establish his image as a decisive leader.
The next phase of the Iran war is very likely to be far more destructive than the previous ones. Future military operations against Iran are bound to have unprecedented global consequences. Oil prices will soar again, making economies scream the world over. Worse, Iran has explicitly threatened to target regional digital infrastructure, including submarine cables and data centres if war resumes. Iran’s threat is credible enough to merit attention, although it does not establish that attacks on every category of infrastructure are inevitable or that Iran has announced a specific operation against US-based facilities.
If Iran carries out its threat in case of the US and Israel resuming strikes, the UAE and Bahrain will face direct risks; the UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait and parts of Saudi Arabia will be exposed to damage affecting Gulf submarine cables. Sri Lanka and India are among the potential secondary victims of a wider outage, especially if Red Sea cables are damaged. The possibility of attacks on cables causing widespread disruption to European internet connectivity cannot be ruled out, according to experts, but military might blinds powerful nations to reality and drives them to act recklessly. All one can do is hope that what is feared will not come to pass.
Editorial
Fish or cut bait
Wednesday 14th October, 2026
Sri Lankan political leaders never miss an opportunity to moralise, and their oratory often helps them win elections. But their words are rarely matched by deeds, so much so that they have come to be dubbed NATO (no action, talk only) leaders. These self-righteous characters portray themselves as paragons of virtue while condemning their political rivals as rogues.
Leaders of the previous government wrapped themselves in the flag and branded their critics as traitors. Their successors are treating key Opposition figures as rogues who deserve to be thrown behind bars. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has declared that drug money is used to finance media outlets and protests as part of a strategy to unsettle the government, which has taken on the drug Mafia with might and main. Addressing a recent public rally, the President said some sinister characters with links to drug cartels were all out to derail the government’s efforts to eliminate organised crime.
If President Dissanayake has credible evidence that drug barons are funding any media organisation, he should initiate legal action against it, shouldn’t he? Similarly, if there is irrefutable evidence that drug dealers are behind any protest campaign, legal action must be instituted against its organisers. However, no witch-hunts must be launched on the basis of unsubstantiated allegations, with arrests being prematurely made even before investigations get underway.
One may recall that last year President Dissanayake reportedly said he had credible information that some local government members had been funded by drug dealers. He said he had directed the law enforcement authorities to launch an investigation. It is believed that Kudu Lal, a drug dealer operating from overseas, backed a group of independent candidates at the 2025 local government polls in Colombo and some of them were elected. Have the police failed to find out who benefited from drug barons’ largesse? If the JVP/NPP had allowed all local council heads to be elected by open ballot, the public would have been able to see whether it was the government or the Opposition that had benefited from the support of the councillors with alleged narcotic links.
We also have former ‘NATO’ leaders claiming the moral high ground. Former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena has gone on record as saying that he thwarted an attempt by an influential Colombo-based foreign diplomat and some religious leaders to persuade him to assume the presidency following Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation at the height of the Aragalaya protests in 2022. He claimed that those behind the move wanted to establish an unconstitutional government and plunge the country into anarchy. He has not made any official complaint about that serious incident. During a discussion at a national conference of the Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka in Colombo, in 2024, former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga said she had been offered a US$5 million bribe by the husband of a junior minister in her Cabinet and a foreign businessman, when she was the Prime Minister. She said she had rejected the offer out of hand and threatened to have them arrested. Why she did not carry out the threat is the question. In 2013, the then Health Minister Maithripala Sirisena claimed the tobacco industry had offered him a huge bribe and he had turned it down. He did not take any action against the culprits.
Refusing a bribe is the minimum expected of a public representative. Reporting such an attempt is what helps ensure that the person who offers a bribe is held accountable. Anyone cannot credibly claim to be fighting corruption while treating an attempt to bribe him or her as a private matter. Whatever the law may say, the ethical obligation is clear; a political leader who is offered a bribe should document the incident and report it promptly to the appropriate investigative authority so that the matter can be investigated. Those who do not do so undermine the rule of law.
Meanwhile, President Dissanayake’s claim that drug dealers are using protesters and media outfits against his government reminds us of a similar claim made by President Maithripala Sirisena in 2019 after the Easter Sunday terror attacks. He claimed that drug cartels he had taken on had orchestrated the terror strikes to discredit him and scuttle his anti-narcotics drive.
Political leaders who claim to have rejected bribes or possess credible information of conspiracies by drug dealers against governments must resort to legal action. They must fish or cut bait.
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