Editorial
Challenge facing Dhammika

The decision of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) to nominate business tycoon Dhammika Perera to Parliament to fill the National List vacancy created by former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa’s resignation took most observers by surprise. Following his gazetting as an MP, Perera was named Minister of Technology and Investment Promotion in the government and the subjects under this new ministry were gazetted last week. He has not yet taken his oaths as an MP but will do so when Parliament meets on Tuesday. He is expected to assume ministerial duties thereafter. As we reported last weekend, Perera has resigned from the boards of a clutch of quoted companies where he holds substantial interests and where he served as chairman/co-chairman/director/executive director etc. He also owns unquoted entities, including casinos, and what he has done in regard to such ownership/connections is not in the public domain.
The Center for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and its Executive Director, Dr. Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu, have gone to court challenging Perera’s appointment to Parliament via the SLPP National List. They have urged that such appointment in terms of Article 99A of Constitution can only be made from among those whose names were included in district nomination papers or National Lists submitted by the relevant political parties to the Elections Commission. This was not the case in the instance of Dhammika Perera’s nomination and his name was not in either list. The CPA’s human rights petition is due to be taken up this week by the Supreme Court and it will, no doubt, evoke a great deal of interest nationwide.
We are glad that the Supreme Court had decided on an early adjudication of the CPA’s petition. Two decades ago a similar petition based on Article 99A was not taken up for three years and was withdrawn when it had become irrelevant with the petitioner reserving his right to press the matter further. There was also a question of Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka being on the nomination list of one party and entering Parliament through the National List of another. Whether Dhammika Perera’s swearing will await the Supreme Court decision on its Constitutionality remains to be seen.
In addition to the main plea, the petition further urges that there was “very real bias and conflict of interest” regarding Perera’s appointment to Parliament. This is because he has substantial interests in a range of businesses engaged in a wide variety of activities. The CPA pleads that Article 91(1)(e) of the Constitution disqualified a person with interest in any contract “made by or on behalf of the State or a public corporation from being a Member of Parliament.” It finally submits that Dhammika Perera’s appointment “is illegal, arbitrary, irrational, grossly unreasonable, contrary to law and will if unchecked cause grave and irremediable harm and prejudice to the People of Sri Lanka and the Rule of Law itself.”
Perera has previously served the government in various official capacities. He served as Chairman of the Board of Investment (BOI) for three years until 2010 when it was said he would meet anyone looking to invest USD 50,000 or more in the country. Thereafter he became Secretary to the Ministry of Transport, also during a Mahinda Rajapaksa presidency. He did not make waves in either position although it has been alleged that as BOI Chairman, he was quick to grant investment approvals. But this was something Sri Lanka had long sought to achieve in its bid to attract foreign direct investment (FDI). BOI managers found him easy to work with, cutting red tape and listening to all points of view. He also served in the government’s Strategic Management Enterprise Agency which oversaw state enterprises; but most of these, as is very well known, continued to be the dead ducks they have long been. Dhammika had no magic wand to wave over them and make any difference.
Basil Rajapaksa ducked a question on whether Perera would take his vacant seat in Parliament when this question was posed at Basil’s farewell press conference. He looked at SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam flanking him and said it was a matter for the party. Most people would disbelieve that the successor had not been decided on when Basil threw in the towel and stepped out of Parliament though not out of politics. Namal Rajapaksa is on record telling an Indian publication that Basil had requested the president to fill his vacancy “with a capable person,” expressing the view that Dhammika was a good choice because he was a successful businessman who could bring his corporate experience to government. Namal also saw Perera as a successful Chairman of the BOI.
Although the conflict of interest theorem bothers many, there is a school of opinion that Perera’s personal achievements are an indicator of abilities that can be useful to the crisis-wracked country.
It can be argued and it is freely said that mere resignation from the boards of directors of listed companies will not obviate conflicts of interest. Given the extensive areas of Perera’s business interests, the ramifications are many and with wide implications. His connection with the gambling industry would also be a black mark in the minds of some although one ruling party MP who advocated ganja growing now urges the development of a “night economy.” While Dhammika Perera has met Ranil Wickremesinghe subsequent to his gazetting as an MP, whether the Rajapaksas had the premier’s approval to bring the tycoon into government has not been made public. If there was no consultation in a matter such as this, it would imply that the president and prime minister are not pulling together.
Editorial
Dulling the pangs of hunger

Saturday 5th April, 2025
The government has, with the help of the National Food Promotion Board, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Agriculture, launched a programme to provide the public with nutritious food at reasonable prices as part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. The public, fleeced by private eatery owners ruthlessly, will surely benefit from this programme, which deserves praise. It will also help improve the government’s approval rating significantly. A way to a person’s heart is said to be through his or her stomach.
A widely-held misconception is that every prospect pleases in this country, and only politicians are vile. True, most politicians are thought to be bad, but it is not fair to single them out for castigation. There are many others who are either equally bad or even worse. The blame for people’s hardships due to the high cost of living should be apportioned to the business community, given to unconscionably exploitative practices; its members, from wayside eatery owners to corporate fat cats, jack up the prices of their products and services according to their whims and fancies, at the expense of the public. The rice millers have become a law unto themselves.
Why food inflation is high is not difficult to understand. A plain hopper is priced at Rs. 25, and an egg costs about Rs. 30 at present, but an egg hopper is sold at Rs. 100! Food prices that went into the stratosphere at the height of the economic crisis in 2022 have not come down significantly owing to the greed of the unscrupulous members of the business community.
The government initiative to make quality food available at reasonable prices to the public should continue, and it is hoped that the NPP leaders will also develop the Hela Bojun Hala (HBH) restaurant chain under the Ministry of Agriculture. These eating places not only sell nutritious food made from local ingredients at very reasonable prices but also economically empower women. All HBH outlets are run by women and do not sell wheat flour products or sugary drinks.
The NPP government can give a turbo boost to the HBH programme by expanding it across the country. That will help provide direct employment to many more women. Sri Lanka’s overall unemployment rate is 4.7%, and about 6.7% women are unemployed. Besides, during gluts, fruit and vegetable growers often dump their unsold produce on the roadside in protest. The government may be able to use the HBH network to help the farming community while generating employment opportunities and providing the public with quality food at affordable prices.
Minister of Agriculture K. D. Lalkantha, known for innovative thinking and hard work, was the chief guest at the recent launch of the aforesaid food programme. He should take time off from pursuits such as counting monkeys and give serious thought to developing the HBH network further so that more people will have access to reasonably-priced, hygienic, and nutritious foods, and more jobs can be created for women, and men as well if a home delivery service is set up at the HBH outlets.
Sri Lanka’s political culture is such that when a new government is elected it launches its own programmes and either scrap the ones introduced by its predecessor or let them wither on the vine. It is hoped that the NPP government will be different and develop the HBH programme, which has become a success.
Editorial
Trump’s pound of flesh and bleeding nations

Friday 4th April, 2025
US President Donald Trump has jacked up tariffs on imports in the name of making America wealthy again. Yesterday, he signed an executive order, with his usual melodrama, increasing tariffs on goods imported from many countries including Sri Lanka, which will now have to pay as much as 44% by way of tariff on its exports to the US. Claiming that the unprecedented tariff hike is a reciprocal measure, Trump has said the new 44% tariff is in response to Sri Lanka’s 88% trade barriers on American goods. It is a case of a giant competing with a dwarf!
Powerful nations are resilient enough to absorb the US tariff shocks, but the weaker economies like Sri Lanka are bound to reel and even go into a tailspin, causing further destabilisation of the developing world. The US tariff hike will deal a body blow to Sri Lanka’s export sector, especially its garment industry, which is showing signs of recovery. Sri Lankan goods, especially garments, will now be less competitive in the US market. Other Asian garment exporters, such as India, Bangladesh and Vietnam, also have higher US tariffs to contend with but not to the same extent as Sri Lanka. There’s the rub.
A drastic decline in export earnings due to the new US tariffs will invariably lead to a decrease in Sri Lanka’s foreign currency reserves, causing a further depreciation of the rupee, an increase in inflation, job losses, and even socio-political upheavals unless the US takes the fragile condition of the Sri Lankan economy and softens its stand.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has appointed an expert committee to study the economic fallout of the US tariff hike and recommend remedial measures. This is a step in the right direction, and it is hoped that the government, together with all other stakeholders, will be able to formulate a mitigatory strategy to cushion the impact of the new US tariffs on the local industries and the ailing economy. Most of all, the government will have to manage the country’s foreign currency reserves frugally.
What the US can gain from the unprecedented hike in tariffs on Sri Lankan exports is negligible, and it will not give any significant boost to the US economy or industries. Is Washington trying to leverage Sri Lanka’s overdependence on the US as an export destination to further its geopolitical interests in a bigger way? Is the Trump administration goading Sri Lanka into a situation where the latter will be left with no alternative but to agree to anything including controversial agreements, owing to its sheer desperation to have the US tariffs on its exports reduced?
If what Trump said, while announcing the new tariffs is anything to go by, he wants to make America wealthy again by creating conditions for the domestic industries to be ‘reborn’. But he has apparently ignored factors like stringent environmental laws, higher cost of domestic labour, increases in raw material costs due to new tariffs, technological competition, etc., which will stand in the way of the US in achieving his dream.
Whether Trump will be able to realise his MAGA (Make America Great Again) goal by resorting to ruthless actions that weaken the economies in the developing world may be in doubt, but one possible outcome of his tariff war, as it were, is not difficult to predict. Extremely high tariffs the US has imposed on imports are at variance with the liberal economic principles and policies it has long championed. Such excessively protectionist measures could undermine America’s global dominance, driving smaller nations to gravitate towards its rivals in search of favourable trade terms. Russia lost no time in offering to help Sri Lanka’s export sector. Other powerful nations are likely to follow suit where the developing countries troubled by the US tariffs are concerned.
Editorial
A welcome judgment

Thursday 3rd April, 2025
Justice finally caught up with former North Central Province Chief Minister S. M. Ranjith and his sister-in-law Shanthi Chandrasena yesterday, when the Colombo High Court (HC), which heard a case filed by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) against them in 2021, sentenced them to 16 years RI for having misappropriated Rs. 2.6 million between 2012 and 2014. They were also fined Rs. 200,000 each. The HC judgment must have gladdened the hearts of all those who long for an end to corruption.
The criminal misappropriation of state funds at issue happened during the heyday of the Rajapaksa rule, which became a metaphor for corruption and abuse of power. When politicians are intoxicated with power, they become blind to the consequences of their actions, and enrich themselves as if there were no tomorrow. They usually cover their tracks, but the January 2015 regime change may have prevented CM Ranjith and his sister-in-law, who was his private secretary, from doing so. Their offence, however, pales into insignificance in comparison to what some other members of previous governments have been accused of. Unfortunately, most of those allegations have gone uninvestigated, or escape routes have been opened for the accused in some high-profile corruption cases, which were made to collapse, much to the dismay of anti-corruption campaigners and the public. Thankfully, most of those characters failed to get re-elected last year, and this is something the NPP government can flaunt as an achievement.
Another former Chief Minister––Chamara Sampath Dassanayake––has been remanded for causing a huge loss to the Uva Provincial Council by withdrawing six fixed deposits prematurely in 2016. It is hoped that all allegations of corruption, abuse of power and serious crimes such as murder against the members of previous administrations will be probed thoroughly and the culprits prosecuted expeditiously.
Corruption usually thrives under powerful governments in this country because huge majorities tend to nurture impunity. Integrity of most Sri Lankan politicians is a mere result of the unavailability of opportunities to line their pockets rather than an unwavering commitment to moral principles. Power tends to have a corrosive effect on scruples, and many self-proclaimed champions of good governance, who come to power, vowing to rid the country of corruption, end up being as corrupt as their predecessors. What we witnessed following the 2015 government change is a case in point. The ‘paragons of virtue’ in the UNP-led Yahapalana camp committed the first Treasury bond scam a few weeks after being voted into power. The present-day leaders who are campaigning hard against corruption were on a political honeymoon with the UNP at that time, and their alliance lasted until the end of the Yahapalana government in late 2019 despite very serious allegations of corruption against that administration.
There is nothing stupider than to rely on individual politicians to rid the country of bribery and corruption. They may have allegations of corruption against their political rivals probed, but it is doubtful whether they are serious about eliminating bribery and corruption. One may recall that having come to power by campaigning mainly on an anti-corruption platform, in 1994, the SLFP-led People’s Alliance government, ably assisted by several other political parties, including the UNP and the JVP, effectively deprived the national anti-graft commission of its suo motu powers, making it dependent on formal complaints to take action. Hence the need for anti-corruption laws with stronger teeth and robust institutional mechanisms to battle bribery and corruption. All existing anti-corruption mechanisms should be given a radical shake-up.
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