Business
Can we stop university ragging?
Following the tragic demise of a Sabaragamuwa University undergraduate, more than fifty articles have appeared in the media expressing views on various aspects of the barbaric tradition of ragging in Sri Lankan universities. However, this discussion is taken into an unprecedented height by the landmark decision by the Supreme Court (SC/FR/216/2020 on 2025-Jul-09) pertaining to a grievous act of ragging that took place in 2020, twenty-two years after ragging was made illegal by the Prohibition of Ragging and Other Forms of Violence in Educational Institutions Act No. 20 of 1998.
One needs not be a constitutional scholar to understand the responsibilities of the three branches of the government; the Supreme Court has fulfilled the responsibility of the judiciary. Now, the other two branches will have to step up. Anyone reading the 48-page judgement or the recent opinion pieces referred to earlier, will clearly see that the core issue is the failure to implement the 1998 law. Those responsible for the failure, as listed in the judgement, include everyone in the University Grants Commission’s payroll, the Head of Police, and the Attorney General. Anything new here?
No, there is no mystery about not being able to stop ragging, it is another clear and loud statement about our broken system: complete disregard for law and order for decades. Generations of elected officials, bureaucrats, and most public using their services broke the law with impunity, while others abated it or put up with it for survival, leading to the current socioeconomic bankruptcy of the country. Let us have no doubt, what is happening in universities and other institutions is not any different from what happened in the country since independence: callous disregard for law and order with complete impunity. This national habit of normalisation of criminal behaviour must be stopped, universities are no exception.
The supreme Court has read the riot act, but that is of limited utility. This is where the legislative and executive branches need to act. If we are to eradicate this menace, there must be a zero-tolerance policy, and the penalties must be swift, substantial, and well publicised to be a deterrent. A slap of the wrist as often happens, or negotiated settlements between the student union and academics sympathetic or connected to the student union are not any worse than ignoring the wrongdoing. The current law must be amended to include a mandatory, minimum one-year suspension for any violation. That is in addition to any criminal and civil penalties.
There will be those who cry foul; such severe punishments will impact on the whole life of a student, they may say. There are several responses to that misguided reasoning. Do we want to eliminate ragging or maintain it in a different form or level? What about the victims – aren’t their lives permanently affected? Other important questions are, was the violation an unintended result of performing a vital function, or was it the result of a provocation, loss of property, dignity, or some other harm to the perpetrator? All such questions can be addressed with a clear negative response, as ragging is a deliberate act that yields no constructive results. Ragging is a well-organised, premeditated activity. The element of planning and prior intent is considered an aggravating factor, meaning it increases the severity of the crime and harsher penalties can be justified.
It must be made compulsory for university students to read and understand the Prohibition of Ragging Act in its entirety. After assessing their comprehension of the law, they should be made to give their consent to abide by such laws by signing a legally binding document, in which the minimum one-year suspension is clearly spelled out, at the beginning of each academic year as a constant reminder of the severity of the consequences. A copy must be sent to their parents or guardians, so that they can do their part in bringing up responsible citizens. This practice must be extended to other affected institutions as well.
The Supreme Court judgement implicated the university and law enforcement communities for failing to implement the law. While the court did not give reasons, the fifty plus writers pointed out the reasons why the university community did or could not perform their duty. With my apologies to those few caring souls who had done their best and were treated as outcasts by their peers, a few of those reasons are worth repeating here.
Most academics have been subjected to mental conditioning of ragging during their own student days, and as a result they have developed sympathy and apathy towards ragging. According to one report, one vice chancellor has asked the perpetrators to limit ragging to two hours, when caught in the act! Is that the right mentality? Another issue is the politicisation of the academic and administrative appointments, which manifests in their perceptions of their roles, their interactions with the university system, and their engagement with social justice issues. Their loyalty is to their political handlers, and they are not answerable to the community.
Politicisation goes into ragging itself. This writer was there to witness how JVP systemised ragging into the sophisticated system found today, including dress codes, cards and so forth, as a recruiting and fundraising machine. It is not the intention to hold the present NPP responsible for past actions as they have clearly changed their ways, but to appeal to their desire and the potential for bringing forth change at grassroots level to do some good. The public, on the other hand, must force the political parties to make it a policy issue to put a stop to the ruinous practice of ragging. They should know that its effects are not limited to the minority that enters the universities, but they permeate through the economy and the culture at large.
The argument can continue, but it is too much for the university community to handle all three aspects of implementation of law, investigation, and prosecution of incidents, and delivering penalties as the first option. Entire university community, everyone in the UGC pay roll for that matter, must be held responsible for the enforcement of the law. They must be trained and held accountable as part of their job description. Unfortunately, due to many decades of conditioning, the university community has become insensitive to this issue. Changing the attitude of the entire university community, from vice chancellors to grounds keepers, and getting all of them involved must be given priority. The student unions, trade unions, and alumni associations can play a leading role in this endeavour.
As for investigation, apprehension, and prosecution of offenders, a separate independent entity must be created. This entity, preferably under the purview of the Attorney General, may be comprised of resources drawn from existing judiciary functions, but it must be a dedicated one so that cases can be concluded swiftly for maximum impact, preferably within weeks, not months. This could be limited to the initial determination of the violation, and the imposition of the compulsory one-year suspension if found guilty.
The criminal and civil cases arising from such offences can continue separately. This may sound like an expensive preposition, but if implemented properly, its services will not be needed after three to four years. We are dealing with the best and brightest of the nation, and they will learn fast, especially when they risk thirteen years of effort, parents’ investments and hopes, and the entire future.
The general sentiment expressed by most writers is that ragging cannot be stopped. As it is so deeply entrenched, only compromises can be made, some of them reasoned. This writer disagrees; if there is a collective will, there are ways for a civilised society to stop barbarism. The Prime Minister has appointed a task force to investigate it, but its scope is a much broader one: review and overhaul the education system.
There is no doubt that the entire education system must be modernised to meet the needs of the 21st century, but this ruinous practice must be stopped immediately as it is a major contributor to the degradation of society. Let us not forget that ragging is the plague that mentally cripple the generation destined to lead the country into prosperity. Without irradicating it, we will be wasting our sparce resources to further degrade our already dysfunctional society, not to mention the economy, and continue to feed an utterly unnecessary cyclical process.
Now that the country has committed to breaking away from the past, this is an ideal opportunity to grab the proverbial bull by the horns and do away with it. The task force appointed by the Prime Minister can facilitate it. This is a problem that can be easily solved, since it is of limited scope compared to irradicating corruption, even though both have common origins. We are focusing on the problem of the nation’s young adults who are fed, sheltered, and supported by the hardworking citizenry to the tune of half a million rupees per student in 2020 money, not to mention the blood, sweat, and heartache of parents.
The question here is whether society should give in to the juvenile whims of a small minority of young adults, whose only qualification thus far is box checking to get through an archaic examination system, or show them the right path. Young minds can be trained; their attitudes can be adjusted. Enlighten them that they are dependent on society, answerable to it, and that they are subjected to the country’s laws. Let them know in no uncertain terms that the times are changing and this behaviour is not acceptable. This goes for those who aid and abate or ignore this behaviour, the academics, administrators, law makers, enforcers, parents, and most importantly the student unions and their behind-the-scenes handlers.
For an administration intent on establishing a just society, stopping a minority that is misguided by a baseless ‘ideology’ of ‘university subculture’ that gives an inviolable right to rag since we were ragged, is undoubtedly within their capabilities. The Prime Minister’s task force must recommend the following: strengthening the Prohibition of Ragging act to make all relevant parties accountable. Establish a dedicated prosecutorial body independent of the university system.
Empower university martials to turn all university employees into a cohesive movement against ragging. Ensure that university students understand the law and that they are not above it, and the repercussions of violations are severe. The systematic brainwashing of the first-year students, even before they enter the university, by politically motivated entities must be stopped. Above all, the executive branch of the government must make sure that the laws are implemented without exception and make everyone accountable with a zero-tolerance policy. Provided they have the political will, which they have demonstrated so far, this curse can be eliminated before their current term ends. At the same time, the public should give their full support to the administration as if they do not do so, their dream of a happy and prosperous society will be just that, a pipe dream.
by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️
Business
SriLankan Airlines Update on Middle East Operations
03 March 2026; Colombo – As airspace in certain parts of the Middle East continues to remain closed due to the ongoing conflict, the following SriLankan Airlines flights scheduled to operate today have been cancelled:
Flight Route
UL 225 Colombo–Dubai
UL 226 Dubai–Colombo
UL 231 Colombo–Dubai
UL 232 Dubai–Colombo
UL 229 Colombo–Kuwait
UL 230 Kuwait–Colombo
UL 217 Colombo–Doha
UL 218 Doha–Colombo
UL 253 Colombo–Dammam
UL 254 Dammam–Colombo
UL 265 Colombo–Riyadh
UL 266 Riyadh–Colombo
We sincerely appreciate our passengers’ understanding and patience as these cancellations are implemented in the interest of their safety and wellbeing.
For more information, please contact: 1979 (within Sri Lanka); +94 11 777 1979 (international); WhatsApp +94 74 444 1979 (chat only); your travel agent; or visit www.srilankan.com
Business
Middle East escalation sends oil soaring; Sri Lanka faces price shock despite assurances on supply
Global oil prices surged sharply yesterday following coordinated US and Israel-backed strikes on Iran, and Tehran’s retaliatory attacks targeting US interests in the region, alongside escalating hostilities involving Hezbollah in Lebanon. The renewed instability in the Middle East – the artery of the world’s energy supply – has sent tremors through financial markets and triggered fresh anxiety in oil-importing nations such as Sri Lanka.
Brent crude climbed steeply in early Asian trading, with traders pricing in the risk of supply disruptions through critical maritime chokepoints, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, through which nearly a fifth of global oil passes. Market analysts say the spike reflects not only immediate supply fears but also the potential for prolonged geopolitical tension that could keep prices elevated for months.
Meanwhile, Asian equities reacted nervously to the unfolding crisis. Major indices across the region retreated as investors fled risk assets, concerned that higher energy costs could dampen growth and reignite inflationary pressures.
Asian oil and gas stocks – the only winner in Asian equity markets – rallied strongly, reflecting expectations of higher revenues amid rising crude prices. This divergence of falling broader markets alongside rising oil shares signals investor anticipation of higher inflation and weaker consumer demand in emerging markets like Sri Lanka.
Meanwhile, reports of increased Chinese crude purchases are further compounding market anxiety. If Beijing accelerates buying to secure strategic reserves in anticipation of supply constraints, global prices could climb even further because China’s procurement strategy has great influence on the world oil price.
“Should Chinese demand rise while Middle Eastern exports face disruption, the supply-demand imbalance could tighten considerably, amplifying volatility in global energy markets”, say global energy market analysts.
In Sri Lanka, long queues have begun forming at fuel stations amid fears of shortages and higher pump prices once new shipments arrive. The government has sought to calm public nerves, stating that sufficient stocks are available for approximately one month and that fresh supplies are being sourced from India and Singapore.
Deputy Minister of Tourism, Dr. Ruwan Ranasinghe said that as Sri Lanka imports refined products primarily from India and trading hubs such as Singapore, direct disruptions to Middle Eastern sea routes would not immediately interrupt supply chains. He maintained that there is no cause for panic buying.
In an unusual show of political maturity, Prasad Siriwardena, an Opposition MP from the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) urged the public to remain calm and refrain from hoarding, warning that artificial shortages could emerge if panic-driven stockpiling spreads.
However, former minister Wimal Weerawansa criticised the government for failing to build a strategic reserve of at least three months, arguing that Sri Lanka’s total dependence on imported fuel leaves it dangerously exposed to prolonged geopolitical shocks.
Weerawansa contended that the government failed to anticipate the likelihood of US-Iran tensions escalating into direct confrontation and should have proactively guided petroleum authorities to secure adequate reserves in advance.
Meanwhile, an independent analyst told this reporter on the condition of anonymity that the global economic spillover could have wide-ranging consequences on Sri Lanka, outlining five factors.
Energy costs that feed into transportation, manufacturing and food prices
Tighter monetary policy risks as the Central Bank may hesitate to cut rates if inflation resurges
Slower growth as consumers and businesses reduce spending when energy costs rise
A widening trade deficit as Sri Lanka would face increased import bills
Pressure on the Rupee as increased dollar outflows for fuel imports could strain foreign exchange reserves
In conclusion, he said, “One can only hope that diplomacy prevails before oil’s surge turns into a sustained economic storm for the global economy.”
by Sanath Nanayakkare
Business
How ‘distant wars can quickly arrive at the domestic pump’
The harsh economic realities behind soothing words
Sri Lanka’s fragile economic recovery faces a renewed external threat as escalating conflict involving Iran sends global oil prices sharply higher, raising concerns over inflation, foreign reserves and fiscal stability.
While authorities insist there is no immediate fuel shortage, economists warn that prolonged instability in the Middle East could trigger a familiar and painful chain reaction in an import-dependent economy still recovering from its worst financial crisis in decades.
The state-run Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) confirmed that the country currently holds sufficient petrol and diesel stocks for more than a month.
Energy Minister Eng. Kumara Jayakody assured that scheduled shipments remain unaffected and urged the public to refrain from panic buying, warning that artificial demand could disrupt smooth distribution.
But behind those reassurances lies a harsher economic reality: Sri Lanka does not need a physical fuel shortage to suffer — a sustained spike in global crude prices alone could be enough.
Market jitters intensified amid fears that any escalation could threaten shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow maritime corridor through which a significant share of the world’s oil supply passes daily. Even speculation of disruption has historically been sufficient to push prices sharply upward.
Sri Lanka sources refined fuel from multiple markets, including India and Southeast Asia. However, global benchmark prices ultimately determine import costs. If crude prices remain elevated, the country’s monthly fuel import bill could surge — placing fresh strain on dollar reserves.
Higher oil prices would ripple across the entire economy. Transport, electricity generation, manufacturing, agriculture and food distribution are all energy-sensitive sectors. A sustained price increase could reverse recent gains in inflation control.
The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has worked to stabilise inflation and the rupee through tight monetary discipline. Analysts caution that a renewed oil shock could complicate this effort, widening the trade deficit and pressuring the exchange rate.
“Sri Lanka is structurally vulnerable to energy price shocks. Even without direct supply disruption, higher global prices immediately translate into macroeconomic stress, a senior economic analyst said.
The government is currently operating under strict fiscal consolidation targets as part of its recovery programme. A rising fuel bill could expand subsidy pressures or force politically sensitive fuel price adjustments.
Any increase in administered fuel prices would inevitably feed into cost-of-living pressures, testing public tolerance amid ongoing austerity.
Beyond oil markets, instability in the Middle East carries another risk: remittances. The Gulf region remains a key source of foreign employment for Sri Lankans and a crucial inflow of foreign exchange.
Any economic slowdown or labour disruption in the region could dampen remittance flows, reducing one of the country’s most stable dollar lifelines.
An energy expert said for Sri Lanka, the Iran conflict is not merely a distant geopolitical event. It is a potential economic stress test at a moment when stability remains hard-won.
“Whether this turns into a temporary price spike or a prolonged oil shock will determine how severely it tests the country’s recovery trajectory. For now, policymakers are watching global markets closely — aware that in today’s interconnected economy, distant wars can quickly arrive at the domestic pump.”
By Ifham Nizam
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