Connect with us

Features

Cabinet Committee on Brain Drain where leftists proved liberal

Published

on

by Leelananda de Silva

In the 1970s there was concern in Sri Lanka and elsewhere about the migration of skilled people from their home countries. This was referred to as the “Brain Drain.” In Sri Lanka, action had been taken to try and stop the migration of talent by legislative measures like the Passport (Regulation) and Exit Permit Act of 1971. The attitude of the government had been on control, instead of incentives for people to stay. I was thinking about this subject, and once I had briefly discussed this with H.A.de.S Gunasekera, my boss, and the Prime Minister. H.A.De.S had other things to do and was not particularly concerned with this issue although I kept him informed. So whatever happened subsequently was on my initiative. This is one of the few areas I can claim credit for pushing this issue and that is why I had decided to devote a chapter in this book to this subject.

After discussions with Mrs. Bandaranaike in early 1974, we prepared a cabinet paper recommending the appointment of a cabinet committee on this subject. The cabinet appointed a committee to inquire into the problems of technologically, professionally and academically qualified personnel leaving Sri Lanka. The ministers on the committee were Maithripala Senanayake (chairman), P.B.G Kalugalle, Badi-ud-din Mahmud, Pieter Keuneman, N.M Perera, Leslie Goonewardene, C.Kumarasuriyar and W.P.G. Ariyadasa. H.A.de.S was appointed as secretary to the committee, and I was the assistant secretary. As H.A.de.S did not attend any of the sittings of the committee and I functioned as the virtual secretary.

The proceedings of the committee were kept as simple as possible. It met with the representatives of a few professional groups and associations. It met four times only, as it was difficult to get all these ministers together. I met with many of these associations and with individuals at my office. The procedure was for me to prepare drafts of the report and place it before the committee for their observations. It was my happy experience that the ministers rarely amended these drafts. Anyway, before the preparation of these drafts, we had discussed the substance of the issues involved, and the drafts reflected the views of ministers.

I was surprised that the Ministers, who were supposed to belong to a socialist government, with a penchant for control and inward looking politics, agreed to adopt a most outward looking approach to the problem of the brain drain. Instead of controls, it was agreed to offer incentives. The Ministers agreed to look upon the brain drain, not negatively, but in a more positive way, and look at the gains to the country in the long term. The Ministers felt that one way of addressing the problem was to increase the capacities of institutions producing professional skills, so that even if there are leakages, there would be sufficient numbers staying behind. It was encouraging to note that politicians of different political hues could agree on important issues in the national interest.

R.K. Srivastava, a UN expert attached to the Planning Ministry helped us with a survey of the push and pull factors associated with the brain drain, and with organizing relevant statistics for the last three years. Between the years 1971 and 1974, 400 doctors out of a total stock of 2,000 had left the country. Ten percent of the stock of engineers also had left. The majority of those leaving were between the ages of 30 and 34, which clearly indicated that they were unhappy with their future prospects in this country.

I do not want to dwell at length on the proceedings of the committee, which were harmonious and with hardly any difference of view among Ministers or between Ministers and the Planning Ministry which was servicing the committee. There was a series of recommendations in the final report, which was then published as Sessional Paper 10 of 1974 and was called the Report of the Committee inquiring into the problems of Technologically, Professionally, and Academically qualified personnel leaving Sri Lanka. One of the main recommendations was to reverse the then current attitude to control the flow outwards, and adopt a more liberal approach in granting long term leave. The committee recommended that the Compulsory Public Service act No. 70 of 1965 be implemented sympathetically, and allow doctors and engineers to leave the country. While not calling for the abolition of this legislation, the committee’s recommendations made it a virtual dead letter.

Another key recommendation was to allow public servants to obtain up to five years leave during their career to find employment abroad. The current rule was that a public servant leaving the country for employment abroad should sign a bond, and the maximum period of a bond went up to 15 years. The committee recommended that this should be reduced to 10 years, and corresponding reductions were made for shorter periods of leave. There were further restrictions on employment abroad. The Passport (Regulation) and Exit Permit Act no. 53 of 1971, required that a passport should be issued for only one year. Moreover, ten percent of the foreign exchange earnings of an individual had to be remitted every month to this country. These requirements were abolished.

Apart from the relaxation of controls, the committee suggested that there should be incentives for people who stay behind. The need for training abroad for professionals was recognized, and instead of discouraging them, there was to be a more encouraging approach for those proceeding abroad. Opportunities for training abroad were to be explored more intensively. The committee also recommended that training capacities in the country should be increased, and the facilities for research should be improved and expanded. It felt that scientific and academic literature should be made available in libraries, and for this purpose, foreign exchange was to be released.

It is my view that this report is one of the most politically liberal documents produced during that period. The Cabinet approved the recommendations of the committee without any amendments. The Cabinet established an inter ministerial officials committee to implement the recommendations. I was appointed chairman of this committee. It is my privilege to record here that the Cabinet decided to place on record its appreciation of my work on this committee. There is a Cabinet conclusion to this effect. I was present at the cabinet meeting where this decision was made and it was Dr N.M. Perera and Mr. Maitripala Senanayaka who called for it.

What happened with this committee is a fascinating story. The committee met twice or thrice and drafted the necessary circulars to implement the recommendations. So far as the public service was concerned, these circulars had to be issued by the Ministry of Public Administration. D.B.I.P.S Siriwardhana was the Secretary of the Ministry, and he had no objection to issuing the circulars. He issued one or two circulars almost immediately regarding the revision of rules on public service bonds for those going on leave, and extending the period of leave allowed for up to five years.

A curious incident took place once these circulars were issued. Felix Dias Bandaranaike was the Minister of Public Administration and he was not present at the cabinet meeting which approved the committee’s report and gave the go head for implementing it. Felix was not opposed to this committee at any stage. He decided himself that he would not be on the committee. By the time the committee report was out, relations between him and his secretary D.B.I.P.S, were strained. He disliked D.B.I.P.S issuing these circulars to implement the report in his absence.

At a subsequent cabinet meeting, he made quite a scene, attacking me in particular and also his secretary. I was asked by the Prime Minister to be present at this cabinet meeting when the issue came up, as Felix had given notice that he was going to take it up. Felix got his way and the circulars were withdrawn. Cabinet Ministers like Dr. N.M Perera and others, told Felix that the officials were merely implementing what the Cabinet had decided. Anyway, there was much tension. As I was about to leave the cabinet meeting, and as I was passing Felix’s chair, he signaled to me to say that what he said was not against me, but was directed at D.B.I.P.S. Anyway, the withdrawal of the circulars was a temporary affair as the recommendations of the report were implemented a little later, Felix having got over his reservations.

What is most interesting for me in the work of the Brain Drain Committee was that I was able to get this committee organized and examine an important issue in an integrated way at cabinet level. The report itself went against the grain of the times, in taking a liberal attitude towards this issue. It showed clearly that there are many opportunities for more holistic types of policy making by the Cabinet through the functioning of a system of cabinet committees. One aspect that became clear to me was that ministers were denied the opportunity for clear thinking, based on research and policy analysis. In the absence of rigorous analysis, they resorted to policy making on the hoof, based on their hunches and inaccurate information. Even 40 years later, the report is worth reading. We followed up this report later at a Commonwealth Summit and that aspect of it I shall describe in another chapter.

(Excerpted from the writer’s autobiography, The Long Littleness of Life)



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Polarizing rhetoric greets America on its epochal anniversary

Published

on

President Donald Trump addresses the public on the occasion of the US celebrating the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain.(BBC)

Democratic and progressive opinion in the US and the world over would likely have been further jolted by the divisive rhetoric blared forth by US President Donald Trump on no less an occasion than the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain. The world has been placed on notice that what it would be having in the main is aggravated polarization on multiple fronts during what’s left of the Trump tenure.

If the world was expecting positive moves by the Trump administration to bridge divisions, heal rifts and usher in a more harmonious international political order, this is very unlikely to be. Instead, in all probability we would be left with a far more ‘dangerous place to live in’.

Some of the more thought-provoking recent ‘takes’ from President Trump are : ‘A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.’ ‘We will send them (immigrants) quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better than ever before.’ ‘We are going to give our country its identity back.’ ‘You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.’

Accordingly, what the world would have in increasing measure going forward are stepped-up attempts to consolidate a white supremacist administration in the US accompanied by a suppression of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities at home along with renewed attempts to spread and consolidate US hegemonism world wide.

The latter project would mainly translate into US military interventions abroad of the Venezuelan type and a persistence if not a resurgence of identity based conflicts globally. Violent reactions internationally to what are seen as attempts by the US to bring recalcitrant sections in particularly the South under white supremacist control will provide the basis for the steadfast presence and spiking of identity politics globally.

Moreover, the path has been paved for stepped-up ethnic, religious and cultural disharmony within the US. A united state is far from possible, given this backdrop. Put simply, it would be a question of steeper political polarization at home and abroad.

The persistent, widespread support for the hard line Islamic regime in Iran locally and globally should serve as an eye-opener for the political decision-makers of the US. Huge crowds at the funerals of Iran’s political leaders could very well be state-orchestrated but they are a pointer to the fact that political Islam is far from on the decline. To the extent to which this is so, the phenomenon could be a hurdle in the path of a stridently expansionist US.

Looking back, it was the consolidation of the Islamic regime in Iran in the late seventies of the last century that, besides proving a major challenge to the unfettered global power expansion of the US and its Western allies, provided the motive force as it were for the proliferation of Islam-based identity politics in particularly the South. This continues to be so.

Going forward, the US would need to figure out how best it could manage the persistent presence of Islamic fundamentalism world wide, and for that matter other forms of identity politics, without drastically losing its global power and influence.

The recent successful challenge by Iran to the US’ efforts to exercise its diktat in West Asia should prove an ‘eye-opener’. In these confrontations both sides were bloodied but Iran proved that it could successfully take on the US militarily. The inference for the US ought to be that projecting its military might in the Middle East in a no-holds-barred fashion would not prove easy.

Arising from the foregoing a foremost policy challenge for the US would be to curb Iranian military power while avoiding another major military confrontation with the Islamic state that would cost the US and the world dearly in particularly economic and material terms. The US would have no choice but to persist with the often flagging West Asian peace effort and to render it fully workable.

Ukraine presents the US with another formidable challenge. As is known, Ukraine is proving no easy ‘push-over’ for Russia, but it is badly in need of more sophisticated Western arms, particularly effective air defense systems, to fully neutralize the Russian invasion. What would the US choose to do; go to Ukraine’s assistance fully or opt not to ruffle and antagonize the Putin regime, with which it is on some cordial terms?

A negotiated solution is best in Ukraine and the Trump administration would do well not to lose sight of this ideal but Russia too should see the need for a diplomatic solution if it is to salvage itself from its military stalemate in Ukraine. The US needs to try being a peace mediator in the latter theatre but if the Russian political leadership fails to opt for peace the US would have no choice but to join the rest of NATO and Europe in continuing to arm Ukraine.

The US would need to take the latter course if the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ is to remain committed to its founding ideals. If President Trump fails to meet this challenge he would prove that he is nothing more than an ‘empty rhetorician’.

However, it should not come as a surprise to the world if Trump chooses not to strongly back the rest of the West on Ukraine. Domestic and foreign policy are closely intertwined. Since the Trump administration is committed to building a white supremacist state at home, democratic development worldwide has been of the least importance to it.

The Trump administration’s strong affinities to white jingoism would increasingly compel it to opt for a policy of international isolationism. As a result Ukraine could prove unimportant for the US going forward.

Consequently, US-Western Europe friction in particular is only likely to intensify in the days ahead. Coupled with the contentious issues growing out of the persistence of identity politics, the Trump administration’s far-sightedness in managing foreign policy issues would be tested to the fullest. Whether the world would have comparative peace or continued blood-letting would depend crucially on such judiciousness.

Continue Reading

Features

Beyond concrete: Sunela Jayewardene urges Sri Lanka to rediscover an ancient wisdom for a planet in peril

Published

on

Sunela / Rishan / Spencer

It was more than a lecture on architecture. It was a challenge to rethink civilisation itself.

Standing before a packed audience at Dilmah by Genesis in Maligawatte, internationally acclaimed environmental architect, author and conservationist Sunela Jayewardene delivered a keynote that transcended blueprints, buildings and urban planning.

Instead, she invited her listeners on an intellectual journey into Sri Lanka’s ancient past, arguing that the answers to some of the world’s gravest environmental crises may already exist within the island’s forgotten ecological wisdom.

Her address, titled “Beyond Concrete: Architecture for the Coexistence of Species,” was at once philosophical, historical and deeply practical. It questioned humanity’s obsession with dominating nature and called for a return to a design ethic rooted in respect, restraint and coexistence.

“The road is actually very simple,” Jayewardene said. “We have simply forgotten it.”

That observation became the defining thread of an afternoon that challenged conventional thinking about architecture and development.

According to Jayewardene, modern society has inherited a worldview shaped largely by colonial values that placed human needs above those of every other living organism.

“Our value system was turned on its head,” she observed. “We accepted a Western way of looking at nature without questioning it. Today we can clearly see the consequences. The world is in crisis. Species are in crisis. Our lifestyles are in crisis.”

She was careful not to romanticise the past, nor was she dismissive of modern science. Instead, she argued that Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial civilisation possessed a sophisticated environmental philosophy that modern planners and architects have largely ignored.

For Jayewardene, environmental architecture is not about fashionable sustainability slogans or cosmetic landscaping.

It begins with humility.

It begins by recognising that humans are only one species among millions sharing the same landscape.

“The built environment should not exist in opposition to nature,” she said. “It should become part of nature.”

One of the most captivating moments of her presentation came when she introduced her own research into the island’s ancient sacred geography.

Using digital mapping and satellite imagery, Jayewardene demonstrated the remarkable alignment of Sri Lanka’s four original Saman Devalayas, whose axes converge on Sri Pada, historically known as Samanthakuta.

The extraordinary precision of these alignments, she argued, raises profound questions about the scientific and surveying capabilities of ancient Sri Lankan civilisation.

“What kind of technology enabled them to achieve this?” she asked the audience.

Her purpose was not to offer speculative answers but to challenge deeply ingrained assumptions that ancient societies lacked scientific sophistication.

“We often underestimate what our ancestors knew,” she said. “Yet the evidence around us tells a very different story.”

That forgotten knowledge, she argued, extended well beyond engineering.

It shaped an entire philosophy of living with the landscape rather than imposing human will upon it.

Displaying photographs from archaeological sites including Ritigala, ancient monasteries and rock pavilions hidden within Sri Lanka’s forests, Jayewardene illustrated how builders carved steps around natural boulders, integrated structures into existing rock formations and preserved the contours of the land.

Modern construction, she suggested, would almost certainly have bulldozed those landscapes into submission.

“Our ancestors honoured the land,” she said. “They accepted the landscape instead of trying to conquer it.”

For Jayewardene, that principle remains the foundation of every project she undertakes.

She described environmental architecture as an exercise in listening rather than commanding.

Every site, she explained, possesses its own identity, ecological history and natural rhythm.

The responsibility of the architect is to understand that identity before attempting to intervene.

“The land tells you what it wants to become,” she said.

Throughout the presentation, one word repeatedly surfaced—context.

Without understanding context, she argued, architecture becomes little more than sculpture.

Good design cannot be copied indiscriminately from one country to another or even from one district to another.

Climate differs.

Rainfall differs.

Vegetation differs.

Wildlife differs.

Culture differs.

Even the stories associated with landscapes differ.

All of these, Jayewardene insisted, must shape architecture.

“When I speak about inhabitants, I don’t mean only human beings,” she explained.

“The birds, insects, reptiles, mammals, trees and every living organism already occupying that land must become part of the design equation.”

This broader understanding forms the basis of what she describes as non-human-centred design—an approach that rejects the notion that cities exist exclusively for people.

Instead, landscapes should provide refuge for biodiversity while simultaneously serving human communities.

It is an idea that resonates strongly at a time when rapid urbanisation continues to erode habitats across Sri Lanka.

Jayewardene also challenged prevailing attitudes towards development itself.

Too often, she argued, “development” has become synonymous with replacing natural systems by concrete infrastructure.

She questioned whether flattening hillsides, redirecting streams and clearing vegetation can genuinely be described as progress.

In her view, genuine development should first ask what ecological value already exists before deciding what should be built.

One of the simplest yet most profound examples she offered concerned water.

“I always say it is acceptable to interrupt water,” she remarked. “But never disrupt it.”

That distinction reflects an ecological understanding often absent from conventional engineering.

Natural drainage systems, she warned, perform countless functions that remain invisible until they are damaged.

Floods, soil erosion, biodiversity decline and even changes in local climate frequently follow.

“We disrupt far more than water,” she said. “We disrupt entire ecological relationships.”

Equally significant was her distinction between degraded brownfield sites and relatively untouched greenfield landscapes.

Brownfield sites require ecological restoration, rehabilitation and renewal.

Greenfield sites demand restraint.

Minimal intervention, she argued, is often the highest form of environmental design.

The keynote found an appropriate setting within Dilmah Conservation’s own efforts to restore degraded urban landscapes.

Earlier in the programme, Rishan Sampath of Dilmah Conservation outlined the organisation’s transformation of an abandoned industrial property in Moratuwa into a flourishing urban forest containing over 300 tree species and more than 1,000 individual plants.

Scientific studies conducted within the restored forest have already demonstrated improvements in air quality compared with adjoining urban roads, providing measurable evidence that biodiversity restoration can improve city life.

For Jayewardene, such initiatives represent far more than beautification projects.

They demonstrate that ecological restoration can become a guiding philosophy for future urban planning.

Her address ultimately became a call to rethink humanity’s place within nature.

Architecture, she argued, should no longer celebrate domination over landscapes.

It should celebrate coexistence.

Every building should strengthen biodiversity.

Every development should restore ecological balance.

Every designer should ask not merely how a project serves people, but how it serves life itself.

As the audience left the hall, they carried with them more than architectural ideas.

They carried a challenge

To question inherited assumptions.

To rediscover indigenous ecological wisdom.

And to recognise that Sri Lanka’s greatest contribution to global sustainability may not lie in importing new environmental models, but in rediscovering the timeless principles embedded within its own civilisation.

For Sunela Jayewardene, the future will not be secured by building more impressive skylines.

It will be secured when humanity learns once again to build gently, intelligently and respectfully—allowing architecture to become not an act of conquest, but an expression of coexistence.

By Ifham Nizam

Continue Reading

Features

Colombia’s “back-to-back queen”

Published

on

Beyond modelling, Colombia’s Katherine Castaño, who captured the crown at the Top Model of the World 2026, in Egypt, is also a TV host, entrepreneur and social media influencer.

She’s based in Miami, Florida right now — a hub for fashion and influencer work — a city she calls home base, while representing Colombia on the world stage.

Her Miami base gives her access to fashion, entertainment, and business networks, while her title keeps Colombia front and centre in the global modelling conversation.

Off the runway, she says she enjoys singing, playing the piano, and tennis.

Katherine didn’t make the trip to Egypt as a newcomer. She’s built a strong international portfolio before winning the crown.

In fact, her résumé reads like a fashion passport: Colombia Moda, New York Fashion Week, Miami Swim Week, Miami Fashion Week, Nicaragua Diseña, IXEL Moda, and Mercedes-Benz San José.

On June 8, 2026, Katherine Castaño was crowned by outgoing winner Natalia Garizabal Vera, also of Colombia. That gave Colombia a historic back-to-back victory — the first time any country has done it in the competition’s history, and Colombia’s 4th win overall.

As Top Model of the World 2026, Katherine’s reign is centred on elevating her profile as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur.

She’s built a personal brand around beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism, with strong reach across fashion, social media, and business.

As titleholder, she’s now the face of the pageant’s international fashion platform, representing Colombia globally, while based out of Miami.

Ahead of the competition she was clear about the stakes: “This is bigger than me. This is for my country. This is for the story I’m here to write… And I’m not going quietly… we’re going for that back to back.”

As the reigning titleholder, Katherine Castaño’s role extends far beyond the sash. She’s using the platform to grow her brand as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur rooted in “beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism”.

She will also be doing runway shows, photoshoots, brand appearances, and fashion events.

Sri Lanka’s representative at this pageant was NetalieWithanage.

Continue Reading

Trending