· The Preamble

In the context of the ideological clash between capitalism and communism, the year 2024 stands as a pivotal moment in Sri Lanka’s electoral history. The presidential election held in 2024 culminated in the remarkable ascendance of Mr Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), who became the ninth President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. This victory signals a profound transformation, indicating a potential shift in economic policies from entrenched capitalist ideologies towards a more socialist agenda.

This election also marks a striking departure from the JVP’s previous alignment with violent Marxist principles that advocated social upheaval through armed conflict. Embracing the democratic process, the JVP has sought to secure its political mandate through elections rather than insurrection. In contrast to past political leaders, this new leadership is actively formulating pragmatic policies that respect the diverse religious and cultural landscapes of the nation, acknowledging the significant role of religion in the lives of its people. The JVP’s considerable electoral success portends a promising shift towards a new era of political engagement, one that leans more heavily on socialist ideals rather than the traditional capitalist economic practices that have dominated post-independence Sri Lanka.

· Capitalism or Socialism?

This paper delves into the dynamic responses and political stances of two eminent twentieth century Sri Lankan Buddhist monks regarding the policy frameworks and political ideologies that emerged during the governance leading up to the Cold War era (1945–1991). These figures exemplify two distinctive contemporary Buddhist interpretations of the ideological tensions between capitalism and communism. Amid the rapidly shifting political and economic ideologies of the colonial period, both capitalism and communism presented formidable challenges for Sri Lankan Buddhists navigating the complexities of the 20th century.

Buddhism’s relatively underdeveloped political frameworks necessitated that its practitioners grapple with the harsh realities of feudalism, and the consequences of colonial governance. Upon gaining independence in 1948 and adopting a democratic system, Sri Lanka found itself increasingly drawn into the allure of capitalist principles while simultaneously confronting the ideological enticements of communism.

This paper seeks to shed light on the authentic yet often provocative contributions of two left-leaning preeminent Sri Lankan Buddhist monks: (a) Uḍakändavala Saraṇaṅkara (1897–1966), the founding President of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (established in 1943) and (b) Walpola Rahula (1907–1997), the esteemed author of What the Buddha Taught (1959). Their contributions illustrate how they skillfully navigated the intricate tensions arising from the ideological divides between capitalism and communism in post-colonial Sri Lanka.

· An Anti-imperialist Buddhist Fighter: Uḍakändavala Saraṇaṅkara (1897–1966)

In 1943, as the Communist Party of Sri Lanka emerged on the political landscape, Venerable Uḍakändavala Saraṇaṅkara boldly stepped into the role of its inaugural President. His leadership spanned several pivotal years until Dr. Sugiswara Abeywardena Wickramasinghe (1900–1981), the first Leftist elected to Ceylon State Council in 1931 took the helm. In recognition of his unwavering commitment to fostering global peace, Uḍakändavala was awarded the esteemed Lenin Peace Prize in 1957, establishing him as a pivotal figure in the international movement advocating against nuclear proliferation.

From a remarkably young age, Uḍakändavala passionately contributed to Sinhala-language patriotic literature, notably through publications such as Sinhala Jâtiya (Sinhala Nation, f. 1905) edited by the novelist Piyadasa Sirisena (1875–1946). By the time of his passing in 1966, he had crafted a wealth of written work. While at the forefront of the Communist Party, he committed himself to editing its newspaper, Navalôkaya (New World), and undertook the essential task of translating critically acclaimed literary works, including Maxim Gorky’s Mother (1906) and Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables (1862) into Sinhala, thereby enriching the cultural landscape of his homeland.

Uḍakändavala emerged as a central figure in the struggle against imperialism and British colonial rule. His profound writings offer piercing critiques of imperialism and colonialism in Ceylon, contributing significantly to contemporary socialist thought. His autobiography, Satanaka Satahan: Svayam Likhita Caritapadanaya (Memoirs on a Struggle: An Autobiography), serves as a crucial resource for understanding his life and the context of his political and social activism.

The profound writings of Anagârika Dharmapâla (1864–1933) published in the Sinhala Bauddhayâ (f. 1906) were instrumental in shaping Uḍakändavala’s activist identity. His early interactions with Dharmapâla and his work, Sinhala Bauddhayâ, propelled him into a significant intellectual partnership. Uḍakändavala recalls the transformative moment of their first meeting at Dharmapâla’s residence in Kollupitiya, Colombo, which led to an invitation to travel to India in 1921, a pivotal opportunity that would further solidify his commitment to social justice and activism.

From a remarkably young age, Uḍakändavala’s fierce anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist convictions were strikingly clear during his time in India. Unlike many of his contemporaries, including senior Buddhist monks like Ram̆bukwellç Siddhârtha (1889–1941), later Lecturer in Sanskrit, Pali and Sinhalese at the Ceylon University College (1928–1941), who supported imperialist agendas, Uḍakändavala boldly opposed the visit of the Prince of Wales to India in 1921. He stood resolutely alongside fellow Indians who rejected the oppressive hand of colonial authority. Under the influential guidance of Dharmapâla, the Buddhist monks of the Mahâbodhi Society in Calcutta organized a blessing ceremony for the Prince, which featured the chanting of pirit (protective recitations). In a powerful display of conviction, Uḍakändavala refused to participate in this ceremony, marking a pivotal moment in his unwavering commitment to activism against imperialism and colonial rule. The shifting dynamics within the Mahâbodhi temple ultimately led Uḍakändavala to resign from his post at the Mahâbodhi Society and consider returning to Ceylon. Yet, during his journey back, he made a consequential decision to expand his studies at Santiniketan (p. 62).

Under the inspiring mentorship of Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941) at Santiniketan (Abode of Peace), Uḍakändavala thrived, achieving fluency in Bengali (Vanga language). On May 17, 1927, during the annual Vesak ceremony in Calcutta, he delivered a powerful speech in Bengali before Dharmapâla. This address not only captivated Dharmapâla but also highlighted Uḍakändavala’s significant accomplishments in contrast to those previously brought to India. As a result, Dharmapâla recommended him for a stipend from the Mahâbodhi Society to support his academic endeavors at Santiniketan.

Uḍakändavala’s educational journey in India immersed him in the fervent nationalist movements of Bengal, where he emerged as a passionate advocate for Indian liberation. This transformative experience deeply influenced his political beliefs upon returning to Ceylon, especially through his exposure to liberation and communist ideologies. While his autobiography chronicles his life only up to 1941, during his return to Ceylon amidst World War II, it provides essential insights into the complex web of his religious, social, political, and economic influences. Further exploration of Uḍakändavala’s contributions is vital for fully grasping his impact up until his passing in 1966.

In the domain of religious contributions, Uḍakändavala stands out for his significant advancements. He was among the pioneering Sri Lankans to advocate for the official recognition of Pôya (Full Moon) as a public holiday, a position he championed as early as 1927. This crucial recognition, however, did not materialize in Sri Lanka until 1967 when the event was marked by issuing a set of four postal stamps depicting Mihintalç, Úrî Mahâ Bodhi and Úrîpâda. Uḍakändavala is also known as the person who introduced Buddhist elements to their Marxist public meetings to enable the left-leaning politicians stand on the island’s soil.

In Ceylon, Uḍakändavala became a controversial Buddhist figure. He did not shy away from voicing his incisive critique of prominent figures in Sri Lanka, deeming many of them as staunch allies of imperialism and colonialism. His most pointed criticisms were directed at individuals such as Mr. D.R. Wijewardena (1886–1950), the influential newspaper tycoon of Lakehouse Newspapers, Sir Tikiri Bandara Panabokke (1883–1963), who was the first Minister of Health in the State Council, the Chief Patriarch of the Siam Fraternity at Malvatta Chapter and Ram̆bukwellç Siddhârtha (already introduced above). Uḍakändavala’s trenchant evaluations of these figures are evident throughout his compelling work, “Satanaka Satahan”: Memoirs on a Struggle—An Autobiography.

Immersed in the vibrant academic environment fostered by Tagore, Uḍakändavala became an integral part of the Indian freedom movement in Bengal. Upon enrolling at the University of Calcutta in 1931, Uḍakändavala quickly earned acclaim within the academic community, ultimately being elected President of the Students’ Union—a testament to his influence and leadership. The critical turning point in his activism occurred on March 23, 1932. His passionate involvement reportedly included aiding militants, resulting in his imprisonment by the British for four years. After his release, he faced deportation to Ceylon in 1936, further cementing his legacy as a dedicated adversary of colonialism.

Uḍakändavala’s brand of socialism is deeply rooted in two vital dimensions: his passionate opposition to British colonial rule and the burgeoning nationalism that swept across both India and Ceylon. Through his steadfast commitment to these causes, Uḍakändavala has left an indelible impact on the social and political landscape of his era.

· Socialist Sympathizer Walpola Rahula (1907–1997)

Ven. Dr. Walpola Rahula stands out as one of the most influential authors and scholars of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. His transformative experiences at the University of Paris-Sorbonne, France not only elevated his stature but also earned him widespread international recognition. Even prior to his time in France, Walpola had already established himself as a provocative figure in Ceylon. His legacy resonates powerfully today in academic institutions, particularly in World Religions courses, where his seminal work, What the Buddha Taught, is extensively utilized by universities across North America introducing Buddhism into their curricula.

Walpola Rahula is recognized as an eminent authority in Theravâda Buddhism, distinguished by his numerous pivotal publications, including The Heritage of the Bhikkhu (1974), and History of Buddhism in Ceylon (1956). He has also made significant contributions to Mahâyâna Buddhism (with the publication of Le compendium de la super-doctrine: Philosophie—Abhidharmasamuccaya d’Asanga, 1971), showcasing his broad expertise in the field and reinforcing his standing as a scholar of considerable international influence.

The revolutionary and critical dimensions of Walpola’s thinking are vividly illustrated in his early writings, published between 1933 and 1934 in Satyôdaya Patrikâ (Papers on the Awakening of Truth). This collection, later published as Satyôdaya, underscores Walpola’s role as a reformist preacher, passionately advocating for the rediscovery of the essence of Buddhist heritage as a vital institution. His unwavering commitment to reform is evident, culminating in his manifesto, Bhisuvage Urumaya (The Heritage of the Bhikkhu), published in Sinhala in 1946. Notably, Walpola was the first Buddhist monk to enroll at the University of Ceylon, where he pursued his degree under the esteemed mentorship of G.P. Malalasekere (1899–1973), setting a precedent for future monks in academia.

In 1995, journalist Gunadasa Liyanage compiled a revealing biography of Walpola, the venerable monk asserted his non-affiliation with any left-wing political party. However, it is essential to acknowledge Walpola’s significant role at the founding meeting of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) in 1935. At this formative meeting, Walpola made invaluable contributions to Marxist and socialist initiatives, coining the term “sama samâja” (Equal Society) to articulate the party’s vision. When Liyanage inquired about his potential role as a founding member, Walpola responded with clarity: “I may have given the name to the party. I also supported those young leaders. However, I was never a member of that party.”

In the late 1940s, Walpola, alongside the esteemed Vidyâlankara monks, vigorously championed the electoral success of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party. His involvement in leftist politics positioned him as a radical and controversial figure, provoking the ire of imperialists and right-wing politicians, including the first Prime Minister, D.S. Senanayake (1884–1952). This legacy cements his status as a transformative force in Sri Lankan politics and Buddhism, as well as a powerful advocate for socialism.

· Uḍakändavala and Walpola

In a turbulent social landscape, Uḍakändavala and Walpola’s paths intertwined, albeit briefly, in India. Young Walpola aspired to enroll in Tagore’s esteemed institution, Santiniketan, during a harrowing smallpox epidemic that had gripped Calcutta. Tragically, he contracted the disease while caring for a fellow monk who eventually succumbed to it. Upon arriving at Santiniketan in 1926, Walpola faced intense scrutiny and fierce opposition due to his recent exposure in Calcutta. Among the skeptics, Uḍakändavala stood out as the most vocal in his resistance to Walpola’s presence.

This initial confrontation between two influential Buddhist monk socialists at Santiniketan would have lasting implications for their futures. Between 1936 (the year of Uḍakändavala’s deportation to Ceylon) and 1950 (Walpola’s departure to Sorbonne in Paris), despite being contemporaries residing in Ceylon (perhaps living in Colombo suburbs) and sharing a fervent commitment to socialism (having close affinities with Lanka Samasamaja Party and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka), and having frequent intercourse with notable left-leaning political stalwarts such as Colvin R. de Silva (1907–1989), N.M. Perera (1905–1979), Leslie Goonewardene (1909–1983), and S.A. Wickramasinghe, all of whom played instrumental roles in the formation of Marxist and Communist-oriented socialist parties they seemingly abandoned all communication and collaboration even for the sake of creating a socialist world ethos on the island.

· Conclusion

The crucial question arises: to what extent are the Buddhist reflections on the ideological clashes between capitalism and communism both authentic and contentious? This paper has shed light on the experiences of two influential Sri Lankan Buddhist monks who passionately advocated a socialist society in the shadow of imperialism and colonialism. Their viewpoints were profoundly shaped by the pervasive capitalist ethos that dominated their society during this tumultuous period in both India and Ceylon.

The insights they offered unveil radical yet practical ideas about governance in the pre-Cold War era and the decades that followed. As capitalism and communism emerged as significant and often contested political and economic ideologies throughout the twentieth century, many Sri Lankans—particularly Buddhists—found themselves grappling with formidable challenges. Navigating these intricate frameworks during such a transformative time proved to be an immense struggle for the average Sri Lankan.

In the wake of independence in 1948, the political and economic landscapes became fraught with extraordinary obstacles that, to this day, are far from resolved. In a remarkable turn of events, Sri Lanka witnessed its first communist-oriented political party rise to power in its electoral history in 2024. This pivotal moment invites a critical examination of how the dynamics of capitalism will interact with the socialist, communist, and Marxist principles championed by the JVP, its leftist leaders, and the current governing regime.

Ven. Prof. Mahinda Deegalle ✍️
University of Cambridge