Features
Britain’s new Prime Minister and the universe of postcolonial politics
by -Rajan Philips
The ascent of Rishi Sunak as the new British Prime Minister is an individual achievement of stunning proportions. It is also a testament to the positive evolution of the British political system to the point of adopting a non-Christian person of colour and son of immigrant parents as its Prime Minister. While these two facts and the accolades they elicit are all in order, there are also other facts about British politics and the politics of Mr. Sunak himself, provoking justifiably negative criticisms both within and outside Britain. They too cannot be ignored, and they have to be balanced with the positive symbolisms of the recent changes in British politics.
The sun may have set on the British Empire quite a while ago, but its twilight is still encompassing a substantial portion of the world made up of former colonies and whose political and socioeconomic developments are still intertwined to varying degrees with developments in Britain. Rishi Sunak’s background as the son of immigrant parents of North Indian Punjabi origin, a practicing Hindu, and husband of a South Indian billionaire heiress, has created special acclamations in India. Nothing much may come out of it, but Sunak’s elevation in Britain has brought into relief both the nostalgia and the cynicism that surround the continuing aftermaths of the empire, not only in India but also in other postcolonial societies in the Commonwealth. And in Britain itself.
A particularly cynical take on the matter could be that with the national economy in the doldrums, British Tories have got hold of an ambitious Indian to clean up their Brexit mess. While acknowledging the poignancy in the current circumstances, one must also acknowledge that someone with roots in former colonies could not have risen to the top in the old imperial centre except at the intersection of the downward trajectory of Britain and the upward trajectory of some of the old colonies. It may not be a coincidence, but India at $3.53T GDP recently overtook Britain at $3.38T as the world’s fifth largest economy, and India is also currently registering the highest rise in real salaries in the world at 4.6% whereas in Britain salaries have fallen 5.6% in real terms due to its 9.1% inflation.
Political Evolution
A substantively different take would be that while British political society has evolved to the point of accepting women and men of colour regardless of their religious persuasions to the highest levels of power in the county, India has backslid from its early decades of secularism and inclusiveness to the current Hindutva quagmire in which Muslims and other religious minorities are actively excluded and more than occasionally harassed. Exclusion of national and ethnic minorities from high political offices is not something peculiar to Modi’s India. Sri Lanka’s record of exclusion targeting non-Sinhala Buddhists is even more longstanding. There are many other instances in the Commonwealth.
Sunak’s rise in Britain also bucks the growing anti-non-white and anti-immigrant populism in many western polities. Donald Trump personifies this trend in the US and the fact that he, in spite of all his bullying antics and violations of the law, could still be considered a serious presidential candidate for 2024 shows how deep racist and reactionary populism has sunk its roots in US society. Trump has counterparts and followers in many European countries, especially East European countries. The irony about this populism in western countries is that many older and well-to-do immigrants of colour subscribe to anti-immigrant populism very vigorously.
The British Conservative Party is now home to many established immigrants of colour who are more vociferous than old stock Britishers about fighting crime, protecting borders and eliminating immigration. Almost all frontline Tories of Asian and African origins subscribe to this ethos of the ‘hard right’ and Rishi Sunak might be a moderate among them. This came out quite clearly in the defensive justification he offered for the reappointment of Suella Braverman as Home Secretary.
Ms. Braverman had resigned just days ago from Truss’s cabinet for violating the code of conduct for Ministers. The real reason was a clash over immigration policies. Braverman would not stand Truss and her new Chancellor, Jeremy Hunt, going soft on immigration and viciously attacked the lettuce Prime Minister and expedited her exit. Her return to cabinet is Sunak’s sop to hard right Tories and a payback for her supporting Sunak and preventing Boris Johnson from forcing another leadership contest involving Tory members at large. The upshot was Sunak’s coronation by Tory MPs.
Immigrant Politics
Sunak, Braverman, and Priti Patel among others are children of parents of Indian origin who migrated from East Africa. They are the successful descendants of Indians who migrated to Africa to work in colonial bureaucracies, but who came under threat when African countries became independent and took to Africanising their states and their economies. Indian and Pakistani immigrants from African countries are a different political constituency in Britain – from those who migrated directly from the subcontinent in South Asia. The latter immigrants have traditionally supported the Labour Party. They may not know the details of Churchill’s vulgar invectives against Hindus, but they remember India becoming independent when there was a Labour Prime Minister in Britain. Their socioeconomic circumstances also found a natural ally in Labour. Indian migrants from Africa have different memories and their circumstances are also different.
It was Conservative Prime Ministers, Macmillan and Heath, who allowed their migration to the UK when they came under threat first in Kenya and later in Uganda. And they remember years later Labour Prime Minister reversing Macmillan’s earlier greenlight to Asian migration from Africa. As well, South Asian immigrants have long distance political agendas and their involvement in British politics is coloured by the political hangovers from their natal countries. Indian migrants from Africa, on the other hand, have no abiding political interest in Africa and have been able to assimilate themselves into British politics without any African hangover.
They are now dead set against any immigration, especially of the poor and refuge seekers. Patel and Braverman are ready to trample over any rights that immigrants may claim under international humanitarian laws. Braverman spitefully calls them modern laws of slavery. Prime Minister Sunak may not be as spiteful of hapless immigrants as his Indian-origin Tory colleagues are, but he needs their support to be Tory Leader and Prime Minister.
Mr. Sunak personifies another facet of the African-Indian constituency in Britain. And that is their overachieving success in business and the professions, easily far and ahead of any immigrant constituency in Britain, including their distant kin from South Asia. As repeatedly insisted by the new Prime Minister, his parents were not born into wealth. His father was a GP Doctor in Hampshire, his mother ran a pharmacy, and they saved enough to put their son through Britain’s best schools, and finally to Oxford for a PPE. From there he took to ‘finances’ with an MBA from Stanford and a not too short pre-political career at Goldman Sachs. Rishi Sunak’s political career began not in the traditional trenches of constituency politics but in the financial networks in London that the Tories had infiltrated throughout the Thatcher era. It is this experience that is likely colour his politics as Prime Minister and not his cultural inheritances.
For good measure, Sunak found the love his life in a South Indian billionaire heiress, Akshata Murty, from Mysore. Their combined wealth is double the assets of Britain’s Royal family and that has become both a matter of pride and a point of detraction in British political gossip. Mr. Sunak’s affinal wealth is also a commentary on wealth creation in our time – the exponential fusion of electronics and high finance. Ms. Murty’s parents, Naryan and Sudha Murty, began as young computer engineers with little seed capital. But the IT company Infosys they launched turned out to be hugely successful and elevated them to the ranks of the richest in India.
A third aspect of Mr. Sunak’s rise as Prime Minister is the perennial leadership tumults in British Conservative Party. Sunak is now a beneficiary of Tory convulsions, but he could be another victim as well. Even if he manages to survive the current term of parliament, he is unlikely to be in a position to win the next election given the steep fall Tories have suffered in public opinion. His economic challenges are not in dispute, but his political challenges are more within the governing Party than they are with the opposition parties. Brexit is at the root of both. But he cannot address the economic challenges without compromising Brexit, and he cannot compromise on Brexit without provoking another internal revolt by Brexiteers. That is his real dilemma.
Features
Misinterpreting President Dissanayake on National Reconciliation
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been investing his political capital in going to the public to explain some of the most politically sensitive and controversial issues. At a time when easier political choices are available, the president is choosing the harder path of confronting ethnic suspicion and communal fears. There are three issues in particular on which the president’s words have generated strong reactions. These are first with regard to Buddhist pilgrims going to the north of the country with nationalist motivations. Second is the controversy relating to the expansion of the Tissa Raja Maha Viharaya, a recently constructed Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai which has become a flashpoint between local Tamil residents and Sinhala nationalist groups. Third is the decision not to give the war victory a central place in the Independence Day celebrations.
Even in the opposition, when his party held only three seats in parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake took his role as a public educator seriously. He used to deliver lengthy, well researched and easily digestible speeches in parliament. He continues this practice as president. It can be seen that his statements are primarily meant to elevate the thinking of the people and not to win votes the easy way. The easy way to win votes whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere in the world is to rouse nationalist and racist sentiments and ride that wave. Sri Lanka’s post independence political history shows that narrow ethnic mobilisation has often produced short term electoral gains but long term national damage.
Sections of the opposition and segments of the general public have been critical of the president for taking these positions. They have claimed that the president is taking these positions in order to obtain more Tamil votes or to appease minority communities. The same may be said in reverse of those others who take contrary positions that they seek the Sinhala votes. These political actors who thrive on nationalist mobilisation have attempted to portray the president’s statements as an abandonment of the majority community. The president’s actions need to be understood within the larger framework of national reconciliation and long term national stability.
Reconciler’s Duty
When the president referred to Buddhist pilgrims from the south going to the north, he was not speaking about pilgrims visiting long established Buddhist heritage sites such as Nagadeepa or Kandarodai. His remarks were directed at a specific and highly contentious development, the recently built Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai and those built elsewhere in the recent past in the north and east. The temple in Kankesanturai did not emerge from the religious needs of a local Buddhist community as there is none in that area. It has been constructed on land that was formerly owned and used by Tamil civilians and which came under military occupation as a high security zone. What has made the issue of the temple particularly controversial is that it was established with the support of the security forces.
The controversy has deepened because the temple authorities have sought to expand the site from approximately one acre to nearly fourteen acres on the basis that there was a historic Buddhist temple in that area up to the colonial period. However, the Tamil residents of the area fear that expansion would further displace surrounding residents and consolidate a permanent Buddhist religious presence in the present period in an area where the local population is overwhelmingly Hindu. For many Tamils in Kankesanturai, the issue is not Buddhism as a religion but the use of religion as a vehicle for territorial assertion and demographic changes in a region that bore the brunt of the war. Likewise, there are other parts of the north and east where other temples or places of worship have been established by the military personnel in their camps during their war-time occupation and questions arise regarding the future when these camps are finally closed.
There are those who have actively organised large scale pilgrimages from the south to make the Tissa temple another important religious site. These pilgrimages are framed publicly as acts of devotion but are widely perceived locally as demonstrations of dominance. Each such visit heightens tension, provokes protest by Tamil residents, and risks confrontation. For communities that experienced mass displacement, military occupation and land loss, the symbolism of a state backed religious structure on contested land with the backing of the security forces is impossible to separate from memories of war and destruction. A president committed to reconciliation cannot remain silent in the face of such provocations, however uncomfortable it may be to challenge sections of the majority community.
High-minded leadership
The controversy regarding the president’s Independence Day speech has also generated strong debate. In that speech the president did not refer to the military victory over the LTTE and also did not use the term “war heroes” to describe soldiers. For many Sinhala nationalist groups, the absence of these references was seen as an attempt to diminish the sacrifices of the armed forces. The reality is that Independence Day means very different things to different communities. In the north and east the same day is marked by protest events and mourning and as a “Black Day”, symbolising the consolidation of a state they continue to experience as excluding them and not empathizing with the full extent of their losses.
By way of contrast, the president’s objective was to ensure that Independence Day could be observed as a day that belonged to all communities in the country. It is not correct to assume that the president takes these positions in order to appease minorities or secure electoral advantage. The president is only one year into his term and does not need to take politically risky positions for short term electoral gains. Indeed, the positions he has taken involve confronting powerful nationalist political forces that can mobilise significant opposition. He risks losing majority support for his statements. This itself indicates that the motivation is not electoral calculation.
President Dissanayake has recognized that Sri Lanka’s long term political stability and economic recovery depend on building trust among communities that once peacefully coexisted and then lived through decades of war. Political leadership is ultimately tested by the willingness to say what is necessary rather than what is politically expedient. The president’s recent interventions demonstrate rare national leadership and constitute an attempt to shift public discourse away from ethnic triumphalism and toward a more inclusive conception of nationhood. Reconciliation cannot take root if national ceremonies reinforce the perception of victory for one community and defeat for another especially in an internal conflict.
BY Jehan Perera
Features
Recovery of LTTE weapons
I have read a newspaper report that the Special Task Force of Sri Lanka Police, with help of Military Intelligence, recovered three buried yet well-preserved 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers used by the LTTE, in the Kudumbimalai area, Batticaloa.
These deadly weapons were used by the LTTE SEA TIGER WING to attack the Sri Lanka Navy ships and craft in 1990s. The first incident was in February 1997, off Iranativu island, in the Gulf of Mannar.
Admiral Cecil Tissera took over as Commander of the Navy on 27 January, 1997, from Admiral Mohan Samarasekara.
The fight against the LTTE was intensified from 1996 and the SLN was using her Vanguard of the Navy, Fast Attack Craft Squadron, to destroy the LTTE’s littoral fighting capabilities. Frequent confrontations against the LTTE Sea Tiger boats were reported off Mullaitivu, Point Pedro and Velvetiturai areas, where SLN units became victorious in most of these sea battles, except in a few incidents where the SLN lost Fast Attack Craft.

Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers
The intelligence reports confirmed that the LTTE Sea Tigers was using new recoilless rocket launchers against aluminium-hull FACs, and they were deadly at close quarter sea battles, but the exact type of this weapon was not disclosed.
The following incident, which occurred in February 1997, helped confirm the weapon was Carl Gustaf 84 mm Recoilless gun!
DATE: 09TH FEBRUARY, 1997, morning 0600 hrs.
LOCATION: OFF IRANATHIVE.
FACs: P 460 ISRAEL BUILT, COMMANDED BY CDR MANOJ JAYESOORIYA
P 452 CDL BUILT, COMMANDED BY LCDR PM WICKRAMASINGHE (ON TEMPORARY COMMAND. PROPER OIC LCDR N HEENATIGALA)
OPERATED FROM KKS.
CONFRONTED WITH LTTE ATTACK CRAFT POWERED WITH FOUR 250 HP OUT BOARD MOTORS.
TARGET WAS DESTROYED AND ONE LTTE MEMBER WAS CAPTURED.
LEADING MARINE ENGINEERING MECHANIC OF THE FAC CAME UP TO THE BRIDGE CARRYING A PROJECTILE WHICH WAS FIRED BY THE LTTE BOAT, DURING CONFRONTATION, WHICH PENETRATED THROUGH THE FAC’s HULL, AND ENTERED THE OICs CABIN (BETWEEN THE TWO BUNKS) AND HIT THE AUXILIARY ENGINE ROOM DOOR AND HAD FALLEN DOWN WITHOUT EXPLODING. THE ENGINE ROOM DOOR WAS HEAVILY DAMAGED LOOSING THE WATER TIGHT INTEGRITY OF THE FAC.
THE PROJECTILE WAS LATER HANDED OVER TO THE NAVAL WEAPONS EXPERTS WHEN THE FACs RETURNED TO KKS. INVESTIGATIONS REVEALED THE WEAPON USED BY THE ENEMY WAS 84 mm CARL GUSTAF SHOULDER-FIRED RECOILLESS GUN AND THIS PROJECTILE WAS AN ILLUMINATER BOMB OF ONE MILLION CANDLE POWER. BUT THE ATTACKERS HAS FAILED TO REMOVE THE SAFETY PIN, THEREFORE THE BOMB WAS NOT ACTIVATED.

Sea Tigers
Carl Gustaf 84 mm recoilless gun was named after Carl Gustaf Stads Gevärsfaktori, which, initially, produced it. Sweden later developed the 84mm shoulder-fired recoilless gun by the Royal Swedish Army Materiel Administration during the second half of 1940s as a crew served man- portable infantry support gun for close range multi-role anti-armour, anti-personnel, battle field illumination, smoke screening and marking fire.
It is confirmed in Wikipedia that Carl Gustaf Recoilless shoulder-fired guns were used by the only non-state actor in the world – the LTTE – during the final Eelam War.
It is extremely important to check the batch numbers of the recently recovered three launchers to find out where they were produced and other details like how they ended up in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka?
By Admiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
Features
Yellow Beatz … a style similar to K-pop!
Yes, get ready to vibe with Yellow Beatz, Sri Lanka’s awesome girl group, keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-pop!
With high-energy beats and infectious hooks, these talented ladies are here to shake up the music scene.
Think bold moves, catchy hooks, and, of course, spicy versions of old Sinhala hits, and Yellow Beatz is the package you won’t want to miss!
According to a spokesman for the group, Yellow Beatz became a reality during the Covid period … when everyone was stuck at home, in lockdown.
“First we interviewed girls, online, and selected a team that blended well, as four voices, and then started rehearsals. One of the cover songs we recorded, during those early rehearsals, unexpectedly went viral on Facebook. From that moment onward, we continued doing cover songs, and we received a huge response. Through that, we were able to bring back some beautiful Sri Lankan musical creations that were being forgotten, and introduce them to the new generation.”
The team members, I am told, have strong musical skills and with proper training their goal is to become a vocal group recognised around the world.
Believe me, their goal, they say, is not only to take Sri Lanka’s name forward, in the music scene, but to bring home a Grammy Award, as well.
“We truly believe we can achieve this with the love and support of everyone in Sri Lanka.”
The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz as they have received an exceptional opportunity to represent Sri Lanka at the World Championships of Performing Arts in the USA.
Under the guidance of Chris Raththara, the Director for Sri Lanka, and with the blessings of all Sri Lankans, the girls have a great hope that they can win this milestone.
“We believe this will be a moment of great value for us as Yellow Beatz, and also for all Sri Lankans, and it will be an important inspiration for the future of our country.”
Along with all the preparation for the event in the USA, they went on to say they also need to manage their performances, original song recordings, and everything related.

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz
“We have strong confidence in ourselves and in our sincere intentions, because we are a team that studies music deeply, researches within the field, and works to take the uniqueness of Sri Lankan identity to the world.”
At present, they gather at the Voices Lab Academy, twice a week, for new creations and concert rehearsals.
This project was created by Buddhika Dayarathne who is currently working as a Pop Vocal lecturer at SLTC Campus. Voice Lab Academy is also his own private music academy and Yellow Beatz was formed through that platform.
Buddhika is keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-Pop and Yellow Beatz began as a result of that vision. With that same aim, we all work together as one team.
“Although it was a little challenging for the four of us girls to work together at first, we have united for our goal and continue to work very flexibly and with dedication. Our parents and families also give their continuous blessings and support for this project,” Rameesha, Dinushi, Newansa and Risuri said.
Last year, Yellow Beatz released their first original song, ‘Ihirila’ , and with everything happening this year, they are also preparing for their first album.
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