Features
Bipartisan consensus for national reconciliation is urgent, necessary and possible
By Jehan Perera
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s remarks on May 18 that “Canada will not stop advocating for the rights of the victims and survivors of this conflict, as well as for all in Sri Lanka who continue to face hardship,” in the context of the recognition of May 18 as “Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day” has met with a strong rebuttal from the Sri Lankan government. It is tragic that 14 years after the end of the war, and with a President as internationalist and liberal as Ranil Wickremesinghe at the helm, that Sri Lanka should be losing ground internationally and its embassies abroad are unable to stem the tide because there is no political progress on the issue of national reconciliation at home. This is particularly tragic as Sri Lanka, after its economic collapse, needs international support more than ever.
The reality is that Sri Lanka continues to be a divided society. This was seen when people in the North and East, on May 18, remembered their loved and missing ones who are no longer with them. The following day on May 19, the government remembered the war victory and the sacrifices of security forces who lost their lives to keep the country united. In view of the tragedy of divided sentiment in the country, the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2010 recommended that commemoration of all victims of the war should take place on a single day: “A separate event should be set apart on the National Day (4 February) to express solidarity and empathy with all victims of the tragic conflict and pledge the collective commitment to ensure that there should never be such blood-letting in the country again.”
So far February 4 remains a pageant of military might and not of remembrance. It was so this year as well. It is worth quoting at length from the LLRC report at this time when views seem to be hardening on both side of the ethnic and political divides. “The process of reconciliation requires a full acknowledgement of the tragedy of the conflict and a collective act of contrition by the political leaders and civil society, of both Sinhala and Tamil communities. The conflict could have been avoided had the southern political leaders of the two main political parties acted in the national interest and forged a consensus between them to offer an acceptable solution to the Tamil people.”
ARAGALAYA UNITY
Indeed, the time is opportune and the situation is ripe for a bipartisan approach to resolving the ethnic conflict. Speaking to a group of civil society members, Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa observed that the country’s ethnic problem had become easier to resolve in the aftermath of the Aragalaya. One of the protest movement’s notable features was the visible bridging of ethnic and social divides. There was a celebration of unity in diversity that befits Sri Lanka’s plural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious composition. During the Aragalaya the country, and world at large, heard the slogans of the youthful demonstrators who proclaimed the equality of all citizens and denounced the politicians who had come to power on narrow nationalist platforms that mobilized the sentiments of fear and suspicion against each other.
Opposition leader Premadasa also said that at the root of the ethnic conflict and difficulty to resolve it was the suspicion and insecurity that has existed between the communities, but which the economic hardships that precipitated the Aragalaya had contributed to mitigate by uniting the people. The unity of the people who came together to protest was brought about by the common problem they faced when the economy collapsed and there were shortages and queues for most essential commodities. However, while the protest movement could dislodge the government leadership in power, it could not replace it with a new leadership of their own. They were suppressed. Similarly, it would be the case that the unity of the people by themselves will not find a solution to the ethnic conflict. The answer needs to come from political leadership which will make them feel secure and represented.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe has been recently involved in a process of dialogue with the Tamil political parties to find a solution to the problem as has taken place many times in the past without success. In fact, a few months ago he even made a pledge to solve the problem by February 4, the day on which Sri Lanka celebrated its 75th anniversary of independence. He was statesmanlike in his aspirations when he said he did not wish to leave the problem to the next generation. The Opposition leader’s invitation to civil society members to make their ideas on the reconciliation process known to him and his observation that the Aragalaya had made the ethnic conflict easier to resolve can be taken as indications of his willingness to engage constructively in the resolution of the ethnic conflict. This could provide the much-needed bipartisan consensus necessary to both negotiate and implement a political solution.
BIPARTISAN APPROACH
The revival and empowerment of the provincial council system is at the heart of the long-term resolution of the ethnic conflict. The issue of regional autonomy, which would enable the different ethnic and religious communities to run their own affairs in the areas in which they are majority has had a long history dating back to the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact of 1957 which was the first instance of a negotiated settlement between the leadership of the government and Tamil polity. This was followed by the Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Agreement of 1965, the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord of 1987, the draft constitution of 2000 of Chandrika Kumaratunga, the All-Party Representatives Committee proposals of 2010 during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s period, and the constitutional assembly of 2015 by the Sirisena- Wickremesinghe government that came up with multiple proposals.
The political solution to the ethnic conflict has been worked and reworked on multiple occasions. They have been accepted by the government in power or by sections within the government but rejected by the opposition that is out of power. This time it can be different. During the meeting between Opposition leader Premadasa and the civil society members, when he was asked what his position on the devolution of power was, he replied that it was the maximum devolution of power within the unitary state, which was also his position during the presidential election of 2019. Such a position would correspond to President Wickremesinghe’s position that the provisions of the constitution should be followed by fully implementing the 13th Amendment.
Among President Wickremesinghe’s most positive qualities has been his lifelong rejection of ethnic nationalist politics. He has never tried to fan communal fears or prejudices in order to win votes at elections and has lost elections for that reason against less scrupulous political challengers whom the Aragalaya rights denounced. In a similar way, Opposition leader Premadasa has also never engaged in the politics of ethnic nationalism. It is important that these two non-racist leaders should work together to ensure that Sri Lanka can find a political solution and as well as deal with the human rights issues of the past through the truth and reconciliation commission that the government led by President Wickremesinghe is proposing to set up. As a victim of the war’s atrocities himself, the Opposition leader has shown magnanimity and non-hatred that can show the way to healing the wounds of the past and regaining Sri Lanka’s place in the community of nations.
Features
‘There are no private universities in Sri Lanka’ – some considerations for higher education reform
Academics involved in education policy like to say that there is no such thing as a private university in Sri Lanka. The only ‘universities’ in the country are state universities; anything else offering degrees is a private higher education institution (HEI). This position is technically accurate. Yet, in the discourse and imagination of the public, private universities are very real – people teach in them, students register in them, families pay fees, and such degree holders enter job markets in Sri Lanka and outside.
For decades, activists concerned for public higher education have ignored or resisted looking at private HEIs, as if such scrutiny would taint them. Others have worked in both types of institutions, carrying practices from each to the other. The apex body governing state universities, the UGC, has, meanwhile, ignored the concept of conflict of interest and appointed individuals in private higher education in committees and leadership positions. It is unsurprising then that some of the ideologies informing private higher education appear in reform agendas in the state sector.
This is a good time then to consider the varying types of private HEIs around us, and to take a look at some of the issues within them in the hope that higher education reform agendas will include private, as well as state higher education.
What is a ‘private university’?
First, some clarifications. In the public imaginary, a ‘private university’ is typically an institution that provides a foreign or local degree for which the student makes a payment. But this broad classification encompasses a host of diverse institutions and types of degrees which I detail below.
The Non-State Higher Education Division (NSHE) of the Ministry of Education has recognised 295 degrees by 32 institutions. Most of these are private companies and include a handful of established, well-known private HEIs that are ‘university like’. The degrees are local degrees conferred by the institutions accredited by the NSHE Division. While private HEIs conferring local degrees must be accredited by the NSHE Division, there appears to be no legal consequence for not doing so. In addition, there are several permutations of the private degree that miss the net of this Division and the Standing Committee on Accreditation and Quality Assurance (SCAQA) that assists this Division.
For one, degrees conferred by foreign universities offered, via these same private HEIs, are not vetted by the NSHE Division. Secondly, there is a growing plethora of private HEIs which have either no physical presence locally or only a dubious presence. The University Grants Commission has notified the public, through their website, that foreign universities listed in the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook and the World Higher Education Database are recognised, but refrained from giving any other details – which degrees? Offered by what modes? These details are not known. Some of the foreign universities in the lists may be legitimate entities in their own land but the degrees conferred locally, in their name, may not adhere to curriculum or teaching specifications of the NSHE Division or the UGC.
Another troubling phenomenon is the ‘top up degree’, which appears to work on the same principle as that of a pre-paid mobile connection: if I have a Diploma or an HND of a sort, I am eligible to complete a course of study which provides me with a degree, usually from a foreign university. The idea that someone who does not initially qualify for a degree programme should be able to work their way towards one is a progressive notion. This is the concept that open and distance learning (ODL) was based on initially, but which is now sadly exploited. ODL models are expected to provide opportunity for learning for those who may be excluded from traditional learning institutions. In Sri Lanka, however, we have seen ODL become a marketplace offering easy to obtain, for-fee qualifications by institutions with little commitment to superior teaching and learning.
Finally, a perusal of the many types of private HEIs and their varied degrees bring to mind another question – how should the private degrees, provided by state institutions (that are not educational institutions), be regulated? Who should do so?
All of these create a host of problems for the public – for hopeful students and parents and trusting employers. For the higher education sector, recruitment of academic staff, too, has become difficult due to this plethora of ambiguous higher education qualifications, as I discussed in a previous Kuppi article (‘Recruiting academics to state universities’).
Some issues in private HEIs – a bellwether for change in state universities
In this second part of this article, I will discuss some aspects of work in private HEIs – albeit the more established institutions – given that such issues may appear in reform agendas in future.
Across state universities, all permanent staff of a specific category are paid according to the same criteria. The picture is not so clear when it comes to private HEIs since they are different entities legally, typically companies. Private HEIs have salary scales and financial incentives that are different to each other. The more established private HEIs reportedly have attractive renumeration packages, possibly a reason for academics of state universities migrating eagerly to such institutions during sabbatical years and on retirement. This may not of course be the case with other less established, or improperly registered HEIs of which we know little. Academic staff of these more accepted private HEIs seem to value the high financial remuneration they receive (in comparison to state universities) as something that makes their work rewarding.
Attractive remuneration is important to sustain the good life and is at times seen as the institution’s way of encouraging good work. Yet, this has implications for the future of the institution: to continue to deliver on promised financial packages, institutions must continue to have large profit margins. One strategy has been to enroll multiple cohorts of students per year, even up to three or four intakes per year. This can result in exploitative work conditions, since staff must cater to all these cohorts in that same year. If there is inadequate staff, employees are further burdened. On the other hand, if there is a sudden drop in enrolments (degrees can go out of fashion) unexpected layoffs occur. Similar to other sectors that employ short-term contract staff – including state universities – in private HEIs, too, individual teachers, who are on short term contracts that need regular renewal, can feel pressured to work under difficult or exploitative conditions.
At the same time, even in the more established private HEIs, work norms differ from those of state universities in that they include promotional work that keeps the institution’s name in the eye of the public. The Marketing (or similarly named) unit comes up in conversations as one of the most important departments. It appears to weigh in on decision-making related to the number of staff, the amount of re-sits per exams, and other pedagogically important matters. This is a worrying example of how financial rationales interfere with pedagogically or academically sound processes, resulting in problematic results in the classroom. On the plus side, junior colleagues, who had experience in both state and private HEIs, also felt that they faced less harassment in private HEIs – primarily due to the private HEIs ability to take swift action in reported cases of harassment. This is a real indictment on state institutions and their reluctance to address chronic issues of harassment in our universities.
Yet, while we hear much about problems in state universities, we hardly hear of problems that staff in private HEIs face. One rationale for a lack of public expressions by staff is that expressions of discontent might lead to trouble given the importance of reputation for private HEIs. The worry about reputational damage is a growing concern in state universities, too, as evidenced by social media policies and internal conversations on reputational damage, consequent to negative publicity. Institutional worries of reputational damage are harmful in the long run since these impact not only freedom of expression by student and staff, but also research that is possible in and about the education sector.
Some thoughts at the end…
A close look at the private higher education sector is important given its strong presence in the country. Impending reform needs to regulate this diverse array of higher education offerings in the private sector, as well as the state institutions that offer privately-funded options of higher education (a topic for a separate Kuppi on its own). It is time we carefully considered how to build a whole system of higher education out of this broken mess.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Features
Ready for solo spotlight
Singer Nish Peiris is set to take the next big step in her music journey.
The talented vocalist, who has been seen and heard in the scene here for a short while, and was also featured with the now-defunct band, Inner Vision, has announced that she will be fully committing to her solo career, after completing her degree this year.
“I’m finishing my degree this year, and after that I’ll be fully committing to my solo music career,” Nish told The Island.
“I’ve already got a few tours lined up for next year, so I’m really excited for what’s ahead.”
Fans, no doubt, will remember Nish for her smooth voice and stage presence, and the good news is that she is now ready to chart her own path and bring new music to audiences at home and abroad.
With tours already planned for 2027, the year 2026 promises to be an exciting year for the young artiste as she steps into the spotlight on her own.
We wish Nish every success in this new chapter!
Features
Exclusive musical evening for Sri Lankans in Toronto
While Sri Lankan music lovers, in Dubai, are eagerly looking forward to being a part of the action on Saturday, 25th July, with Rajiv Sebastian in the limelight, Sri Lankans, in Toronto, Canada, are equally excited and are anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sri Lanka’s famous singer/entertainer Sohan Weerasinghe.
Having done the needful with The X-Periments, the legendary performer has now embarked on an exciting new chapter – a solo career – and Toronto, Canada, will see him do the needful, on Friday, 31st July, 2026, from 8.00 pm to 12.00 am, at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Reports indicate that it’s a ‘sold out’ event – naturally with Sohan in the spotlight.
Having built his reputation through years of unforgettable performances, and hits that became part of our musical fabric, Sohan is ready to bring his own vision, sound, and stories directly to the audience, in Toronto, Canada, backed by the phenomenal Toronto Ceymphony Live Band.
Says Gamini Hemalal, who has been instrumental in reviving the Sri Lankan entertainment scene, in that part of the world:
“The countdown begins for the most exclusive musical event of the summer! Join us for a premium night of incredible music, elite hospitality, and a lavish buffet as the legendary Sohan Weerasinghe takes the stage live in Toronto!
“This is a high-end event, designed for those who appreciate exceptional entertainment and great food.”
Gamini, who is also a member of the Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, mentioned that it’s going to be an intimate musical evening with the celebrated Sohan Weerasinghe.
From packed auditoriums to intimate shows, Sohan continues to prove why he remains one of Sri Lanka’s most beloved entertainers.
For decades, Sohan Weerasinghe has been a household name in Sri Lankan entertainment.
Known for his captivating smooth voice and charismatic stage presence, Canada will experience it all on Friday, 31st July.
Next on the list of events, Gamini Hemal is working on, is Halloween night and he says “what we plan to do will be very interesting and unique … with a surprise guest star, as well!”
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