Features
Betel chewing a cardinal pleasure
Bulath in Sinhala, Vettila in Tamil and Malayalan, Paan in Hindi, Plu in Thai, Sirih in Malay are local names for betel (Piper betle) the tender leaf of which is the main ingredient in a chew. The other common additions are arecanut (Areca catechu), either raw or dried, sliced, shredded or cut into pieces and chunam from burnt chalk, coral or sea shells (slaked lime) and a piece of sun dried tobacco leaf for an added ‘kick’. The tobacco is said to have been introduced to the chew, also called a quid, by the Dutch when they were in these parts of the world as traders or rulers.
According to the region and availability fennel, turmeric, cumin, melon and cucumber seed, tamarind juice, coriander, nutmeg, ginger, cardamom, cinnamon, cloves and grated copra are added as desired. Lately, particularly in India, menthol, rose water and mint essences are added. In Sri Lanka `Saravita’ with many of these spices are sold off lighted trays by men signing songs with catchy tunes during peraheras and other similar events. High class Indian hotels offer such spiced and fragrant ‘vitas’ in place of After Eight Mints.
Some authorities believe that about one tenth of the human race is in the habit of chewing betel- some from morning to night, others at frequent intervals or after their main meals and still others on occasions only. The estimate is plausible as the habit is common throughout India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Myanmar, Indonesia, Singapore, the Philippines, Papua New Guinea, Micronesia, Fiji, Maldives, Caroline Santa Cruz Island etc. Asian migrants have introduced the use of betel to the Middle East, some African and European countries and the USA as well.
For how long has the use of betel been known as a masticator – things people chew? A very long time indeed; well before smokes or fumitories known in the Eastern World for about ten centuries before the 1600s when Columbus introduced it to the West.
The Buddha in one of his reincarnations as a hare, according to a Jataka story, offered himself to God Sakra. The God was so moved that he painted the likeness of a hare on the moon and threw away the brush which fell on the world of Nagas or snakes. The King of the Nagas swallowed the brush (for what reason we do not know) and due to the consequent unbearable pain in his throat he died a few days later. A plant sprouted where he died and it was called giri-da-daly (throat burning leaf) now known as the betel vine.
Another origin of betel, according to others, is that it was created from the tip of a little finger of a Naga Queen. Irrespective of the origin it is said that the leaf was brought to the world of humans from the Naga’s world, thus called Nagavalli, by a snake holding the stem and leaf tip by its teeth. Others believe the snake held the leaf tip only. Whichever it was the older generation of betel chewers particularly in India and Sri Lanka, through fear of snake poison, discarded the leaf tip or both stem and tip when preparing a chew. Some removed even the prominent leaf veins close to the stem.
Just as much as betel is mentioned in the Jathaka story mention of it has been made in the Mahabaratha, Ramayana and Mahavansa as well.
Anthropologists have found traces of betel in the Spirit caves in Northwest Thailand dating back to 5500-7000 BC, which is even before systematic and organized agriculture came to be practiced. There have been similar findings in Timor in Indonesia going back to 3000 BC and in the blackened teeth of human skeleton in Palawan in the Philippines going back to 2600 BC. Even today some hardened betel chewers in Thailand, Myanmar and Indonesia with black teeth as a result of long years of chewing are proud of the discoloration as they say only animals have white teeth!
Betel chewing was prevalent in many parts of China up to about the 19th Century when the use of opium took its place. That was with the ‘kind assistance’ of the British for their ultimate benefit.
Even in the ancient Islamic civilization betel was known in Persia and some Arabic countries. But the habit died a few centuries ago as the leaf and ingredients had to be imported at great cost and it was also considered to be against Islamic teaching. However, followers of the religion in Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, etc. are known to chew betel. In fact Sri Lanka exports considerable quantities of leaf and arecanut to Pakistan, the Maldives etc.
Betel has been a great social equalizer since ancient times – emperors and their subjects, landlords and their tenants, high officials and their subordinates all indulged in the habit without restrictions. Then and now it is not subject to taboos by any race such as various kinds of flesh and alcohol are. Even priests are allowed its use. To unmarried Brahmins it was taboo while Burmese children were encouraged to chew in the belief that they would speak their language well. However, some Sinhala elders of a few decades ago discouraged children from chewing in the belief that it would hinder their ability to pronounce English words correctly!
In India in early times betel chewing was considered one of the eight cardinal pleasures of a man or woman. Its value to enhance the quality of life was considered equal to food, sex, music, sleep, incense, flowers and perfume.
The Father of Indian Medicine, Sushruta in the first century AD said betel chewing tends to “cleanse the mouth, imparts a sweet aroma to it, enhance its beauty, cleanse and strengthen the voice, tongue, teeth, jaws and sense organs and acts as a general safeguard against disease.” An ancient writer in Sanskrit wrote that betel has twelve desirable qualities which are pungency, bitter, sweet, spicy, salty, astringent, it expels wind, kills worms, removes phlegm, eradicates odours, purifies all organs of the body and even induces passion!
A chew of betel is said to kill hunger and relieve tiredness which perhaps is the reason why some manual workers are often found chewing throughout the workday. This is certainly true of plantation workers. Robert Knox wrote that Sinhala men and women indulge in betel chewing to while away the hours of darkness before they went to sleep. He also had noted that an illicit lover indicates to the other their secret rendezvous by placing a betel leaf there. In the Caroline Islands experts were able to establish from fresh betel spit the sex of the spitter, what and when the last meal was, whether the person was walking leisurely or running and even more.
What is the modern thinking on betel chewing? Extracts from the lengthy essay ‘Betel Nut’ by the poet, scholar, script writer and critic Stephen Fowler are quoted below to give the views of a present day American.
Quote “Maybe you’re an ageing speed freak, too paranoid and out-of-touch to score the hard stuff anymore. Maybe you’re a khaki preppy looking for an alternative to espresso. Maybe you’re the hippie type optimistically attracted to a multi-cultural lift. Or maybe you just like to salivate. However, you kick it, betel is the ticket.
I was introduced to betel chewing six years ago in a bookshop in San Francisco’s Mission district. My instructor was a cynical young bohemian type prematurely returned from a visit to India.
The active principle in areas is the alkaloid arecoline. In pharmacological terms, arecoline stimulates the parasympathetic nervous system, resulting in a contraction of the pupils and an increased secretion of tears and saliva. The later is especially encouraged by areas, as is evident from this description of an early 20th century experiment in which a horse was injected with pure arecoline, “the saliva gushes forth from the animal’s mouth in a solid stream”. (Erich Hesse, Narcotics and Drug Addiction)
The acreca’s sister in crime, betel leaf, comes from a tree climbing vine (piper betle) of the pepper family. The shiny green leaf is heart shaped, and about the size of the palm of your hand. Its essential oil contains a phenol (betel phenol) similar to the aromatic eugenol found in the oil of cloves. Betel-phenol probably contributes stimulant properties of its own, but scant information is available on its pharmacology.
Like the coca-chewers of the Andes, betel users somehow discovered that the addition of lime helps to extract the vital essence of the plants into the saliva (and from there, of course, through the mucous membranes of the mouth and straight into the bloodstream). The catalytic lime is either powder (calcium oxide) or paste (calcium hydroxide). In either case, it is typically made from kiln-baked seashells.
What is it like to chew betel? Enthusiasts recognize three delightful aspects of the experience; the exhilarating lift; the mysterious flavour; and the cleansing; compelling salivation.
In the rare instances where scholarly literature mentions its subjective effects, the news about betel is uniformly good; “it imparts the repeatedly described sensation of well being, good humour, excitation and comfort. The consciousness, of course, remains unimpaired, and the chewer’s capacity for work is in no respect affected. (Hesse) It creates a feeling of energy, appeases hunger and assuages pain. (Henry Brownrigg)
Betel is not an amphetamine, after all. It is a complex of dilute plant alkaloids absorbed slowly through the mucous membranes of the mouth. The result is subtle and “natural” and offers none of that teeth-clenching, palm sweating, eye bugging over stimulation so familiar to users of stronger drugs. Betel is less jarring than espresso and it never leaves you feeling jangled.
Betel, or specifically areca, is an acquired taste; but for those who have acquired it, the flavour is darkly fascinating. It is spicy, though not hot spicy like cinnamon or ginger. It is tannic, but without sourness. It is sweet, though in no way is it sugary. It is a little reminiscent of chocolate, and a little reminiscent of dirt. Above all, the flavour of betel is exotic; and maybe it’s best left at that.
The most unusual (and visible) aspect of betel chewing is its effect on the salivary glands. You don’t just salivate, you pour; and the saliva emerges from your mouth tinted a deep brick red. It is not at all uncommon to spit four fluid ounces of ‘betel juice’ in a single session. And spit it you must; swallowing is not recommended, since it may cause an undesirable sensation of heartburn.
Perverse as it may sound, betel drooling is quite pleasurable indeed. There is an almost orgasmic satisfaction to be found in the experience of saliva-ducts open to full throttle. Delicious above all is the aftermath; when the chew is finished, your mouth is left astonishingly fresh and sweet. You feel uniquely cleansed, drained and purified.
Despite its charm for the initiated, however, this saliva rush is probably the greatest obstacle to betel’s acceptance in the West. Salivation is just too “primitive” for the sanitized First World. Travellers to India are frequently shocked by the red splotches that cover the streets and side walks; clearly this secretory excess strikes many Westerners as not just unaesthetic, but downright filthy. But how do those sidewalks really differ from our own, studded as they are with flattened grey globs of chewing gum? At least betel spit doesn’t stick to the sole of your shoe.
Then there’s the more serious accusation brought to bear by the US Food & Drug Administration; the betel contains “a poisonous or deleterious substance (arecoline) and that habitual chewing may be linked to oral carcinoma. Despite its authoritative tone, the FDA does not provide any medical data to support its allegation, and an examination of the available literature indicates that no conclusive studies have been carried out.
Some medical authorities even contradict the FDA. Dr. B.G. Burton-Bradley wrote in the Lancet that “Betel chewing is practiced daily by no less than 200 million people, the vast majority of whom do not have oral carcinoma” German pharmacologist Hesse stated that “Chronic excesses (of betel) do not cause any permanent health disorders.” Unquote Many Sri Lankan and Indian doctors will, of course, vehemently disagree with Burton- Bradley and Hesse.
Betel chewers specially the hardened ones have five essential utensils. They are the betel tray (in Sinhala thattuwa), container for chunam with an attached spatula (killote) aercanut cutter (giraya) spittoon or caspidor (padikkama) and if needed by the elderly without all their teeth a small mortar with attached pestle (bulath vangediya). In the days gone by in Sri Lanka these were all made of brass. The wealthier folk had some of these with inlaid designs in copper and sliver or gold in Myanmar and Indonesia.
In the Phipippines betel and the other ingredients were placed on intricately carved wooden trays and in some other countries in carved metal or wooden boxes. In the past when high officials or men or women of wealth had formal photographs of themselves taken they had these items close at hand on a table. Such was the importance of betle in their lives.
Of the paraphernalia used by betel chewers, Colombia University’s Prof. Samuel Eilenberg paid a special attention to arecanut cutters. He collected 187 cutters (now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York) from several South East Asian countries which Henry Brownrigg describes in his book “Betel Cutters”. The book could however have been more appropriately titled “Arecanut Cutters”.
In the Anuradhapura Museum an arecanut cutter dating back to 993 AD is on display.
In Sri Lanka the most popular and commercially cultivated verities of betel are kahamaneru, ratadalla and galdalu. They are planted in well-managed irrigated beds under light shades and trained to climb up wooden stakes of about five feet in height for easy harvesting. A single vine yields about ten leaves every two weeks, six months after planting. However, village home gardens produce appreciable quantities of leaf for domestic consumption from vines, which climb up a variety of trees in the garden.
The leaves of some of these are somewhat coarse when compared to the cultivated varieties.
The economic importance of betel and arecanut to Sri Lanka is significant. In the first half of 1999 our export income from it was over Rs. 64 million and the Gross Domestic Product value of betel and arecanut in 1999 was 1% of the total rubber and tobacco in comparison were 1.6% and 0.2% respectively.
Arecanuts are generally not cultivated on a commercial scale and nuts come mainly from trees of self-sown seeds in practically every village garden in most parts of the country except those in the high elevations or very dry areas. The value of dried arecanut from exports in the first six months of 1999 amounted to over Rs. 330 million.
In 1999 the average price of 1000 betel leaves (medium) was Rs. 475.55 while 100 raw arecanuts sold for Rs. 99.65 (Source Dept. of Census & Statistics).
In Sri Lanka and many of the countries in which betel chewing is common betel it is intricately woven into their cultures. From the young man who seeks a woman’s hand in marriage until after death itself betel plays a significant role. In India in the days gone by parents of young men visit the homes of girls whom they seek in marriage for their sons taking betel. In the course of conversation a tray of betel is offered to the visitors and if the proposal is rejected the host overturns the tray as if by accident! Also if a visitor is unwelcome the offer of betel is unduly delayed and when it does appear it indicates the visitors should take their leave. In Indonesia, in the past, a man could express his wish to divorce by giving his wife three pieces of arecanut. It was as easy as that then.
Sri Lankan Buddhists decorate a Pirith Mandape with betel leaves and offer a tray of betel to the senior priest requesting commencement of chanting. A couple at the end of the marriage ceremony drop betel leaves on the Magul Poruwa to indicate to Mother Earth of their marriage and place betel leaves on the hood of the Poruwa to inform the Dewas of the union. Along with the traditional items of food, betel is placed on the dining table on Sinhala New Year day. After the meal the elder in the family hands over a coin placed on betel to each member of the family as a token of good wishes for the New Year. In their turn the young offer betel to the elders asking forgiveness for any lapses in the past year. They also offer betel to their parents to announce their success at examinations and such other important events. Elder relatives are invited to family weddings with betel.
In the past physicians, astrologers, high officials teachers, landlords etc. were offered a sheaf of betel consisting of forty leaves by those seeking assistance and with the stem end facing the recipient. Similarly, Buddhist Priests are invited to an Alms Giving with a sheaf of betel. A member of a bereaved family asks an elder relative to assist in the funeral arrangements with betel while in the funeral house itself betel leaves are placed under-side up in the thattuwa.
Betel chewing and its virtues have been expressed in the most glowing terms in the East from the very earliest of time and Westerners like Fowler and others do not look at the practice with the abhorrence they once did. In fact they too seem to share the views of ancient medical men such as Sushruta describing the flavour of betel as exotic and imparting a feeling of well being. Hence, an occasional ‘vita’ particularly after a hearty meal can be better than the once fashionable fumitories which are now universally frowned upon.
(This article was first published in 2002)
Features
From Windrush to Brexit: Redrawing Britain’s Migration Map
For much of its modern history, Britain was an imperial power connected to every corner of the globe, yet it was not a major destination for large-scale international migration. Different waves of newcomers arrived over the centuries, but the overall foreign-born population remained relatively small by contemporary standards. The 1901 Census recorded 82,844 people from Eastern Europe living in Britain, while the Chinese population numbered just 387. Even at the beginning of the 20th century, migrants from Asia and other parts of the world constituted only a tiny fraction of the country’s population. Britain was a nation shaped by migration, but not yet one transformed by it. That would begin to change dramatically in the aftermath of the Second World War.
One of the most significant changes in Britain’s migration patterns after World War II came from the former colonies of the British Empire. Faced with acute labour shortages and the demands of post-war reconstruction, the government introduced the British Nationality Act of 1948, granting citizens of the Commonwealth the right to live and work in the United Kingdom. Although immigration controls were tightened through legislation, such as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962, migration from former colonies continued. Many of those who arrived belonged to the educated middle classes of their home countries. Having passed through education systems established by Britain during the colonial period, they were already familiar with the English language, British institutions and aspects of British culture. For them, Britain represented a land of opportunity, professional advancement and social mobility.
A different set of motivations drove migration from continental Europe, particularly from Eastern European countries. For these migrants, the United Kingdom offered significantly higher wages, stronger labour markets and living standards that often exceeded those available in their countries of origin. This trend accelerated further after Britain joined the European Economic Community in 1973, initiating a period in which citizens of member states gradually acquired rights to move, work, study and establish businesses across national borders. The expansion of the European Union in the early 21st century, particularly the accession of several Eastern European states in 2004, would later transform these flows on an unprecedented scale.
Immigration has rarely been determined solely by economic forces; it has also reflected the priorities of governments in power. During the period between 1997 and 2010, when the Labour Party was in power, immigration policies became comparatively more open in several key areas. Combined with economic growth and labour demand, these policies contributed to a substantial increase in migration, with net migration reaching levels that had few historical precedents in modern Britain. The debate over whether this growth was an economic necessity, a policy success or a political miscalculation continues to influence British politics to this day.
The next major turning point came with the Brexit referendum of 2016 and Britain’s eventual departure from the European Union. For decades, European citizens had enjoyed relatively unrestricted access to the British labour market through the principle of free movement. As the post-Brexit immigration system took shape, that privilege largely disappeared. The result was not the end of migration, but a significant shift in its composition. Labour shortages remained across sectors, ranging from healthcare and social care to information technology, logistics and higher education. As European migration declined, employers increasingly turned to other parts of the world to meet these demands.
This created new opportunities for migrants from countries such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and several other Asian nations. In many respects, these arrivals filled a vacuum left by the reduction in European labour mobility. The overall pattern suggests that Britain’s economy continued to require migrant labour even as its immigration framework underwent fundamental change. Migration flows did not disappear; rather, they were redirected.
Yet this shift has done little to calm public anxieties surrounding immigration. If anything, concerns over migration have remained a central feature of British political debate. Governments of different political persuasions, including those that once defended relatively liberal immigration policies, have increasingly adopted tougher rhetoric and stricter measures aimed at reducing migration levels. Across the political spectrum, there is growing pressure to demonstrate greater control over borders, tighten visa pathways and, in some cases, encourage or require migrants to leave once their economic or educational purpose has ended.
This pressure has translated into a series of policy changes. In 2025, the government announced new restrictions designed to reduce migration and increase employer reliance on the domestic workforce. Among the most significant measures were plans to shorten the list of occupations for which employers could sponsor workers from overseas and to introduce tougher compliance requirements for sponsoring organisations. Social care, a sector that had become heavily dependent on international recruitment, was particularly affected, with employers facing tighter limitations on recruiting care workers from abroad. These changes reflected a broader political commitment to lowering migration numbers, even as many sectors continued to report persistent staffing shortages.
The higher education sector has also found itself at the centre of this debate. International students have become one of the most important contributors to Britain’s universities and local economies. They pay tuition fees that help sustain institutions, support jobs in university towns and cities, and contribute billions of pounds annually through spending on housing, transport and everyday living expenses. For many students, however, studying in Britain is not merely an educational experience but a substantial personal and financial investment made with the expectation that it will open pathways to professional opportunities.
Against this backdrop, proposals to reduce the standard length of the graduate visa have generated considerable concern. The graduate route has allowed international students to remain in the United Kingdom after completing their studies in order to gain work experience and establish careers. Supporters of restrictions argue that student visas should not become a long-term migration pathway. Critics counter that reducing post-study opportunities risks making Britain less attractive in an increasingly competitive global market for talent. Countries such as Canada, Australia and Germany continue to compete aggressively for skilled international graduates, and students weighing their options may choose destinations that offer clearer prospects after graduation.
These debates often frame migration as a problem to be solved through numerical reductions. Yet, what should be noted here is that many of the pressures commonly attributed to immigration are connected to wider economic and political challenges. The decade following Britain’s departure from the European Union has been marked by an unusual degree of political instability. Since the Brexit referendum, the country has seen seven prime ministers, with governments frequently changing direction on economic strategy, public spending and immigration policy. Such instability has contributed to uncertainty about Britain’s long-term trajectory and has complicated efforts to build a consistent approach to migration.
Public concerns about immigration are real and cannot simply be dismissed. Anti-immigration demonstrations and calls for stricter border controls continue to attract significant support in some parts of the country. At the same time, these concerns often become a focal point through which broader anxieties about housing, public services, economic stagnation and national identity are expressed. Immigration is therefore not merely a migration issue; it is also a lens through which deeper social and political tensions are debated.
The increasingly restrictive tone of migration policy has also raised questions about community cohesion and the treatment of migrants already living in Britain.
While much public attention focuses on new arrivals, long-term residents can also find themselves affected by changing rules and enforcement practices. Earlier proposals such as the Rwanda asylum plan, announced in 2022, sought to relocate certain asylum seekers to Rwanda for the processing of their claims, though the policy was never ultimately implemented. More recently, cases involving migrants being instructed to leave the country despite having established families, employment and community ties have generated public debate. One widely discussed example involved Chamila Dilrukshi, a Sri Lankan mother, who was instructed by the Home Office to leave the United Kingdom with her three children while her husband remained in Britain. Cases such as these illustrate how immigration policy extends beyond statistics and labour markets, affecting family life, community relationships and the sense of belonging experienced by migrants who have built their lives in the country.
This raises a more fundamental question than the familiar debate over whether immigration numbers should rise or fall. If Britain continues to face an ageing population, labour shortages in critical sectors and increasing competition for global talent, can it realistically sustain economic growth while simultaneously reducing its reliance on migrants? Equally important, can successive governments build a migration system that balances economic necessity, public confidence and social cohesion at a time of continuing political uncertainty? The answer may prove decisive not only for Britain’s future migration policy, but for the broader question of what kind of society, economy and national identity the United Kingdom hopes to shape in the decades ahead.
by Viran Maddumage
Assistant Lecturer & PhD(Reading) Department of Human Geography and Migration, Macquarie University, Australia
and Sanduni Rathnayake
Lecturer (Probationary) Faculty of Law, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University
Features
Tolerance and Diversity
Today all the major religions of the world must respond to a double challenge. On one side is the challenge of secularism, a trend which has swept across the globe, battering against the most ancient strongholds of the sacred and turning all man’s movements towards the Beyond into a forlorn gesture, poignant but devoid of sense. On the other side is the meeting of the great religions with each other. As the most far-flung nations and cultures merge into a single global community, the representatives of humankind’s spiritual quest have been brought together in an encounter of unprecedented intimacy, an encounter so close that it leaves no room for retreat. Thus, at one and the same time each major religion faces, in the amphitheater of world opinion, all the other religions of the earth, as well as the vast numbers of people who regard all claims to possess the Great Answer with a skeptical frown or an indifferent yawn.
In this situation, any religion which is to emerge as more than a relic from humanity’s adolescence must be able to deal, in a convincing and meaningful manner, with both sides of the challenge. On the one hand it must contain the swelling tide of secularism, by keeping alive the intuition that no amount of technological mastery over external nature, no degree of proficiency in providing for humanity’s mundane needs, can bring complete repose to the human spirit, can still the thirst for a truth and value that transcends the boundaries of contingency. On the other hand, each religion must find some way of disentangling the conflicting claims that all religions make to understand our place in the grand scheme of things and to hold the key to our salvation. While remaining faithful to its own most fundamental principles, a religion must be able to address the striking differences between its own tenets and those of other creeds, doing so in a manner that is at once honest yet humble, perspicacious yet unimposing.
In this brief essay, I wish to sketch the outline of an appropriate Buddhist response to the second challenge. Since Buddhism has always professed to offer a “middle way” in resolving the intellectual and ethical dilemmas of the spiritual life, we may find that the key to our present problematic also lies in discovering the response that best exemplifies the middle way. As has often been noted, the middle way is not a compromise between the extremes but a way that rises above them, avoiding the pitfalls into which they lead. Therefore, in seeking the proper Buddhist approach to the problem of the diversity of creeds, we might begin by pinpointing the extremes which the middle way must avoid.
The first extreme is a retreat into fundamentalism, the adoption of an aggressive affirmation of one’s own beliefs coupled with a proselytizing zeal towards those who still stand outside the chosen circle of one’s co-religionists. While this response to the challenge of diversity has assumed alarming proportions in the folds of the great monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam, it is not one towards which Buddhism has a ready affinity, for the ethical guidelines of the Dhamma naturally tend to foster an attitude of benign tolerance towards other religions and their followers. Though there is no guarantee against the rise of a militant fundamentalism from within Buddhism’s own ranks, the Buddha’s teachings can offer no sanctification, not even a remote one, for such a malignant development.
For Buddhists the more alluring alternative is the second extreme. This extreme, which purchases tolerance at the price of integrity, might be called the thesis of spiritual universalism: the view that all the great religions, at their core, espouse essentially the same truth, clothed merely in different modes of expression. Such a thesis could not, of course, be maintained in regard to the formal creeds of the major religions, which differ so widely that it would require a strenuous exercise in word-twisting to bring them into accord. The universalist position is arrived at instead by an indirect route. Its advocates argue that we must distinguish between the outward face of a religion — its explicit beliefs and exoteric practices — and its inner nucleus of experiential realisation. On the basis of this distinction, they then insist, we will find that beneath the markedly different outward faces of the great religions, at their heart — in respect of the spiritual experiences from which they emerge and the ultimate goal to which they lead — they are substantially identical. Thus, the major religions differ simply in so far as they are different means, different expedients, to the same liberative experience, which may be indiscriminately designated “enlightenment,” or “redemption,” or “God-realization,” since these different terms merely highlight different aspects of the same goal. As the famous maxim puts it: the roads up the mountain are many, but the moonlight at the top is one. From this point of view, the Buddha Dhamma is only one more variant on the “perennial philosophy” underlying all the mature expressions of man’s spiritual quest. It may stand out by its elegant simplicity, its clarity and directness; but a unique and unrepeated revelation of truth it harbors not.
On first consideration the adoption of such a view may seem to be an indispensable stepping-stone to religious tolerance, and to insist that doctrinal differences are not merely verbal but real and important may appear to border on bigotry. Thus, those who embrace Buddhism in reaction against the doctrinaire narrowness of the monotheistic religions may find in such a view — so soft and accommodating — a welcome respite from the insistence on privileged access to truth typical of those religions. However, an unbiased study of the Buddha’s own discourses would show quite plainly that the universalist thesis does not have the endorsement of the Awakened One himself. To the contrary, the Buddha repeatedly proclaims that the path to the supreme goal of the holy life is made known only in his own teaching, and therefore that the attainment of that goal — final deliverance from suffering — can be achieved only from within his own dispensation. The best known instance of this claim is the Buddha’s assertion, on the eve of his Parinibbana, that only in his dispensation are the four grades of enlightened persons to be found, that the other sects are devoid of true ascetics, those who have reached the planes of liberation.
The Buddha’s restriction of final emancipation to his own dispensation does not spring from a narrow dogmatism or a lack of good will, but rests upon an utterly precise determination of the nature of the final goal and of the means that must be implemented to reach it. This goal is neither an everlasting afterlife in a heaven nor some nebulously conceived state of spiritual illumination, but the Nibbana element with no residue remaining, release from the cycle of repeated birth and death. This goal is effected by the utter destruction of the mind’s defilements — greed, aversion and delusion — all the way down to their subtlest levels of latency. The eradication of the defilements can be achieved only by insight into the true nature of phenomena, which means that the attainment of Nibbana depends upon the direct experiential insight into all conditioned phenomena, internal and external, as stamped with the “three characteristics of existence”: impermanence, suffering, and non-selfness. What the Buddha maintains, as the ground for his assertion that his teaching offers the sole means to final release from suffering, is that the knowledge of the true nature of phenomena, in its exactitude and completeness, is accessible only in his teaching. This is so because, theoretically, the principles that define this knowledge are unique to his teaching and contradictory in vital respects to the basic tenets of other creeds; and because, practically, this teaching alone reveals, in its perfection and purity, the means of generating this liberative knowledge as a matter of immediate personal experience. This means is the Noble Eightfold Path which, as an integrated system of spiritual training, cannot be found outside the dispensation of a Fully Enlightened One.
Surprisingly, this exclusivistic stance of Buddhism in regard to the prospects for final emancipation has never engendered a policy of intolerance on the part of Buddhists towards the adherents of other religions. To the contrary, throughout its long history, Buddhism has displayed a thoroughgoing tolerance and genial good will towards the many religions with which it has come into contact. It has maintained this tolerance simultaneously with its deep conviction that the doctrine of the Buddha offers the unique and unsurpassable way to release from the ills inherent in conditioned existence. For Buddhism, religious tolerance is not achieved by reducing all religions to a common denominator, nor by explaining away formidable differences in thought and practice as accidents of historical development. From the Buddhist point of view, to make tolerance contingent upon whitewashing discrepancies would not be to exercise genuine tolerance at all; for such an approach can “tolerate” differences only by diluting them so completely that they no longer make a difference. True tolerance in religion involves the capacity to admit differences as real and fundamental, even as profound and unbridgeable, yet at the same time to respect the rights of those who follow a religion different from one’s own (or no religion at all) to continue to do so without resentment, disadvantage or hindrance.
Buddhist tolerance springs from the recognition that the dispositions and spiritual needs of human beings are too vastly diverse to be encompassed by any single teaching, and thus that these needs will naturally find expression in a wide variety of religious forms. The non-Buddhist systems will not be able to lead their adherents to the final goal of the Buddha’s Dhamma, but that they never proposed to do in the first place. For Buddhism, acceptance of the idea of the beginningless round of rebirths implies that it would be utterly unrealistic to expect more than a small number of people to be drawn towards a spiritual path aimed at complete liberation. The overwhelming majority, even of those who seek deliverance from earthly woes, will aim at securing a favorable mode of existence within the round, even while misconceiving this to be the ultimate goal of the religious quest.
To the extent that a religion proposes sound ethical principles and can promote to some degree the development of wholesome qualities such as love, generosity, detachment and compassion, it will merit in this respect the approbation of Buddhists. These principles advocated by outside religious systems will also conduce to rebirth in the realms of bliss — the heavens and the divine abodes.
Buddhism by no means claims to have unique access to these realms, but holds that the paths that lead to them have been articulated, with varying degrees of clarity, in many of the great spiritual traditions of humanity. While the Buddhist will disagree with the belief structures of other religions to the extent that they deviate from the Buddha’s Dhamma, he will respect them to the extent that they enjoin virtues and standards of conduct that promote spiritual development and the harmonious integration of human beings with each other and with the world. (Courtesy Buddhist Publication Society.)
by Bhikkhu Bodhi
Features
Seeing things as they truly are
Buddhism offers a profound moral and philosophical framework aimed at guiding individuals toward enlightenment and alleviating suffering. A key aspect of this journey is understanding reality through the lens of the Three Marks of Existence, a concept deeply rooted in Buddhist scriptures and teachings. This understanding can often become obscured by delusion and ignorance, hindering our ability to perceive the true nature of reality and trapping us in cycles of suffering.
The Three Marks of Existence, also known as the Three Universal Truths, are (1) impermanence (Anicca), (2) suffering or unsatisfactoriness (Dukkha), and (3) non-self or insubstantiality (Anatta). These principles, articulated by the Buddha over 2,500 years ago, reveal universal truths applicable to all beings and serve as a foundation for deeper insights into life. They emphasise that all phenomena are transient, that lasting happiness is elusive, and that the notion of a fixed self is fundamentally illusory.
In the Pali Canon, teachings highlight that all conditioned phenomena (saṅkhārāā) are subject to Anicca and Dukkha, while Anatta extends even further, applying to all dhammas. As stated in the Anatta-lakkhana Sutta, the Buddha underscores the reality that there is no enduring self within the five aggregates, indicating that the belief in “I” or “mine” is a source of Dukkha that must be relinquished. Understanding Anatta encourages practitioners to recognise the emptiness of the self and to understand how clinging to identity leads to suffering.
These three characteristics are incontrovertible facts that apply to both animate and inanimate things. Whether Buddhas arise or not, these truths exist in the world. In Buddhism, to see things as they truly are means to consistently view them through the lens of the Three Marks. Failing to do so, or deceiving oneself about their reality and range of application, is the defining mark of ignorance (avijja). This ignorance of our true nature and the true nature of our surroundings leads to actions based on delusions, accumulating karma that keeps us bound to the cycle of rebirth and death.
Dissolving that ignorance through direct insight into the Three Marks is said to bring an end to samsara and the resulting suffering (dukkha nirodha or nirodha sacca, as described in the third of the Four Noble Truths). To perceive things as they truly are, one must cultivate an understanding of these truths—not merely through intellectual contemplation but also through insights gained from personal experiences. A deeper comprehension of the Three Universal Truths fosters wisdom and leads to liberation from the cycle of rebirth, culminating in Nibbana, the ultimate goal of Buddhism.
Recognising the interplay of these three characteristics in our lives is essential. Ignorance of these truths breeds delusion and results in actions that generate karma, confining us to a persistent cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Gaining direct insight into the Three Marks of Existence enables us to transcend suffering (Dukkha Nirodha), aligning with the third of the Four Noble Truths.
Moreover, a lack of understanding regarding these universal truths can lead to frustration and despair. Conversely, a clear grasp of the Three Marks equips us to navigate life’s complexities, allowing for realistic expectations, resilient acceptance of suffering, and protection against misleading beliefs.
The Satipatthana Sutta highlights mindfulness as a vital tool for engaging with reality as it is. By observing our thoughts, feelings, and sensations without attachment or aversion, we cultivate a clearer perception of impermanence, suffering, and non-self. The realisation that all phenomena are fleeting allows us to develop a compassionate response to ourselves and others, breaking the cycle of craving and clinging that fuels suffering.
Rev. Nyanapoke further articulates that the Three Marks are observable in every facet of existence—physical, emotional, mental, and social. He notes that natural cycles, shifts in emotions, evolving thoughts, and changing relationships epitomise the transient nature of life. Even when contemplating minute aspects of life, we encounter an immense variety of living forms, from microbes to humans, demonstrating that these three basic features are common to everything that possesses animate existence. Through this comprehensive understanding, we can better navigate the complexities of life and deepen our connection to the essence of existence.
By reflecting on the first of the Three Marks of Existence, the universal truth of impermanence, we come to understand the stark reality that everything we acquire and hold dear—possessions, achievements, cherished relationships, and loved ones—will ultimately succumb to time and cease to exist. This notion is poignantly captured by the philosopher Heraclitus, who famously remarked, “No man ever steps in the same river twice,” underscoring the idea that both the river and the man are in constant flux, the transient nature of existence.
This idea of impermanence also resonates with the biblical acknowledgement, “Why do you not even know what will happen tomorrow? What is your life? You are but a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes” (James 4:14). The first truth, impermanence, is intricately connected to all aspects of our existence.
The second characteristic. Dukkha is an important concept in Buddhism, commonly referred to as suffering. It is the first of the Four Noble Truths. Suffering is an inescapable part of life, and it can come in many forms. It refers to the habitual experience of mundane life as fundamentally unsatisfactory and painful. There are many times in our lives when we feel overwhelmed by our suffering and wonder how we can overcome it. Dukkha refers to the inherent unsatisfactoriness and suffering present in life. It encompasses a broad range of experiences, including physical pain, emotional distress, and existential dissatisfaction. In other words, dukkha can vary from minor irritations to profound suffering, and it is not limited to overt suffering. It also highlights the subtle discomfort that arises from life’s impermanence and the transient nature of happiness. Even moments of joy are often tinged with the knowledge that they are fleeting, leading to a perpetual sense of longing or fear of loss. The Buddha applies the characteristic of suffering to all conditioned things in the sense that for living beings, everything conditioned is a potential cause of experienced suffering and is, at any rate, incapable of giving lasting satisfaction.
Buddha says, “The world is established on suffering, is founded on suffering” (Dukkha loko patitthito). His whole doctrine rests on the pivot of suffering. He perceived the universality of suffering and propounded a remedy (Noble Eightfold Path) for the universal sickness of humanity. By that, Buddhism does not denote an attitude of hopelessness and pessimism toward life. Buddha did not expect his adherents to be constantly brooding over the ills of life and so make their lives unhappy.
If you look at the world with dispassionate discernment, it becomes abundantly clear that there is only one problem in the world, which is suffering, dukkha. Today, people all over the world suffer untold suffering and agony, and there is so much misery all around us. People’s lives are plucked at a young age. Many people suffer from incurable diseases and tragic deaths. Humanity is continuously grappling with many natural disasters and destruction. Yet, through ignorance, people go chasing after shadows, dwelling in delusion, unable to confront the adversities that life brings. Suffering appears and passes away, only to reappear in other forms. All forms of suffering are either physical or psychological. All is in a whirl; nothing escapes this inexorable, unceasing change.
Understanding Dukkha is crucial for practitioners, as it invites introspection about the nature of existence and our responses to experiences. Instead of viewing suffering as something to be avoided, Buddhism encourages us to confront it, recognize its roots, and understand its universal presence in human life. This acknowledgement allows us to cultivate compassion for ourselves and others who are also caught in this cycle of suffering. By facing Dukkha with awareness, we can begin to unravel the causes of our suffering and start the journey toward alleviation.
The third truth, Anatta, embraces the concept of non-self or insubstantiality, suggesting that there is no permanent, unchanging self within us. This realisation challenges the deeply ingrained belief in a fixed identity or essence. Instead, Buddhism teaches that what we consider the “self” is actually a collection of ever-changing physical and mental components, known as the five aggregates: form, sensation, perception, mental formations, and consciousness.
Understanding Anatta is liberating in that it encourages us to let go of attachments to our identities, beliefs, and notions of self. When we cling to a fixed identity, we create suffering through desires and fears related to maintaining that identity. By recognising that the self is contingent and fluid, we can reduce suffering and anxiety associated with self-identity and experience greater freedom. Embracing Anatta allows individuals to break free from the confines of ego, leading to a deeper connection with the world and others.
Together, the truths of Dukkha and Anatta highlight the importance of understanding suffering and the illusion of self in the journey toward enlightenment. By facing these truths, practitioners can cultivate wisdom, compassion, and ultimately find liberation from the cycles of rebirth and suffering.
by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara
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