Features
Begining my nursing career and some of my early patients
Excerpted from Memories that linger…. by Padmani Mendis
Early on in the year that I started nursing, an epidemic of Poliomyelitis or polio had occurred across the United Kingdom. It had left very many people with varying degrees of paralysis in different parts of the body. The paralysis in polio followed no pattern. It would affect muscles scattered all over the body; anywhere on the trunk or chest or arms or legs. Polio damaged the nerves of the body that made muscles work. When muscles were paralysed, a person could not move the joints served by those muscles.
Many who were more severely affected had come to the ROH for rehabilitation. Looking to the future, however, polio immunisation had come and this would be the last such epidemic in the UK.
Mrs. Wilson was one of the first patients I met who had been part of the epidemic. She had all parts of her body affected and could move no part of it. She could not even breathe on her own. To enable her to breathe, she had been placed in what was called an “Iron Lung”. Because of this, she was nursed in a separate room but had to be under constant observation. A nurse was allocated to visit her room at regular intervals. Mrs. W’s iron lung was the first and last such machine that I had seen.
It was a large machine that covered most of her body. It used a negative pressure to pull her chest out. This would draw air into her lungs. Then pressure would be released and the air would be pushed out of Mrs. W’s lungs. Mrs. W’s head was outside the machine so she could be fed. There were holes on the sides of the machine through which we could carry out nursing care. In the same way, she would have daily physiotherapy too.
Between breaths, Mrs. Wilson communicated with us in a whisper. So we could have some sort of conversation. I don’t think iron lungs are in use any more. They have been replaced by modern “respirators” or “ventilators” which use a different mechanism called positive pressure.
During the time I was in the same ward as she was, Mrs. W’s husband and two young children would visit her on Sundays and spend time with her. The children were quite young and could be seen playing outside the ward. We knew that Mr. W. had employed a nanny to look after the children.
After I left Woodlands I heard that Mr. W. had divorced his wife and married the nanny. Her family no longer came to see her in hospital. I followed her condition. Mrs. W. never recovered the use of any of her muscles. She remained in the iron lung until she died of a lung infection about a year later.
A Pause to Fast Forward with Technology
This was Mrs. Wilson, dependent on an iron lung, confined to a hospital bed and requiring total nursing care. The memory of an exceptional lady very early on in my journey, circa the year 1959. To fast forward now, passing through the next three decades and more of my journey, to another individual called Adolph I was fortunate to know. He was as severely affected by polio as Mrs. Wilson was. Not able to breathe by himself. Not able to move his body except for his fingers,
I met Adolph as a young man, a little younger perhaps than Mrs. Wilson. Adolph lived in a comfortable apartment together with his partner. I was so fortunate to have been invited by this couple I had made friends with to spend time with them when, on my journey, I stopped over in their city in Northern Europe. Adolph had the use of an electric wheelchair fitted with buttons on the arm of the chair; buttons that he could press with the little movement he had in his fingers and use the chair in just the way he wanted to.
To me these advances were miraculous. His chair was so designed as to be able to accommodate and transport a specially designed ventilator to help him breathe. This ventilator Adolph had to have with him 24 hours a day – the technological advance of the iron lung that kept Mrs. Wilson alive in her bed. Such was the construction of the chair and the ventilator that when required, which was every few minutes, Adolph could breathe for a short while and then take a break for a few minutes. A never-ending cycle to ensure that Adolph had access to the essential respiratory function that kept him alive. And which enabled him to carry on a lively discussion and intensive debate, to read aloud and teach, to lead a full and active life.
Adolph had a full-time job with regular hours of work. Disability advocacy was part of his job. He had a specially designed vehicle in which he was driven to wherever he wanted to go. He had an assistant who would drive his vehicle. This assistant was there also for Adolph and his personal needs and to maintain his home – to get him in and out of bed and in and out of a bath (with the use of an electric chair-lift), in and out of his vehicle, prepare his meals, do his laundry, and write his communications.
Getting to know Adolph was for me a truly amazing opportunity. One of the most vivid of the memories I have with him is of my first visit to his home. With the press of a button Adolph opened the lift door. With the press of another, Adolph led us into the lift. With the third press, he led us out of it – and then the wonder of it for me. With the next press his front door opened and all the lights of his apartment came on.
All these had been made possible by an individual who knew his rights, appropriate technology and a welfare state that acknowledged that all its citizens had the same rights to the best quality of life and a state that ensured it.
As a citizen of his country and because of his disability, Adolph was entitled to the apartment, the chair, the helper, the job, and to the other requirements he had. These were his rights as a citizen. It was the responsibility of the state, to have them met by the City Council serving the area in which his home was located.
In the course of his work Adolph was also required to travel abroad on occasion. This he did with his partner, his chair, his ventilator and all. And airlines were required to accommodate and meet the requirements necessitated by his disability. A truly amazing individual I was honoured to know, together with a charming partner.The changing world of disability. And within that, changing experiences for me. Now memories.
Annie
Annie was one of those patients who had a profound impact on me. I was doing my first night duty when Annie came into my life. I had been placed on the Private Ward which consisted of about twelve separate rooms. The Night Sister was known to be a bit of a snob. We all knew that she selected with care those nurses who she would put in the Private Ward. Those selected were always from a certain background. They would have paid for their education and attended a well-known school. She had obviously found out that I qualified in both areas even though it had been in faraway Ceylon.
The Private Ward was next to Ward Seven which was a short-stay Female Ward. Joining the two was a single room which belonged to Ward Seven. As she briefed me for my first night on duty, Night Sister said to me, “Nurse Padi, you have been given another job to do. You will look after Annie who is the patient in that end room belonging to Ward Seven. Annie needs special care and we think you can give her that.” During the day, Annie was the responsibility of Ward Seven. At night, she was mine.
Night Sister took me aside to brief me further in relative confidentiality. I learned that Annie was thirteen years old and had “sarcoma” or bone cancer. She had secondary tumours all over her body. She was in pain all the time. She was sedated heavily in an attempt to make her comfortable; she was almost always asleep, but there was a limit to that and she still felt intolerable pain; so much pain that she would not move, as a result of which Annie had bedsores on many parts of her body; so much pain that she did could not bear to be touched.
Because of all this, Night Sister told me she must be turned over in bed every three hours; and at least four nurses were required to do that in a way that would cause the least discomfort to Annie. Night Sister would send me three colleagues from other wards to help me turn Annie every three hours.
And so it was with much trepidation that I walked into Annie’s room that night. My colleagues had arrived at the pre-arranged time and we set about our task as gently as we could. Before entering her room, we had arranged between us how we would do that.
On removing the especially light covering sheet Annie’s eyelids fluttered, that was her only response. What we saw was a little girl who looked no more than eight or nine years old in age and in size. It appeared as though her illness had caused Annie to shrink. She was rolled into a ball and would not open her eyes when I addressed her and told her softly what we were going to do.
The sheets she lay on were soaked with the discharge from her bed sores. They smelled bad. We lifted her gently to change her sheets and then lay her down on her other side.Soft moans and groans from Annie turned into a crescendo of ear-wrenching screams as soon as she felt our hands on her. And then when she was back down on the bed, when she was free of our hands, she returned to the soft moaning and groaning. This three times a night, night after night.
Night Sister had told me when she briefed me the first time that the doctors did not expect Annie to live through that night. She told me this using other words every night for the next ninety nights. This routine of turning Annie continued on every one of those nights. And on those nights, as I had with Fernao and with many other patients, I spent as much of the little free time I had sitting by Annie’s bedside, talking to her or singing softly to her. And every night I was drawn closer to Annie in her unceasing and increasing pain. And then, during the last night of my three-month spell, Annie passed away.
I was devastated. I could not stop crying. Why tonight? Why could she have not lived another night? Everybody in the hospital came to know of my reaction and many shared my sorrow. I could not be comforted. So much so that Matron sent for me. She was gentle with me. She told me it would be best if I took my two-week summer vacation sooner than planned. She said a break from the hospital routine would do me good.
Six months into the term of office of the new government, the main positive achievements continue to remain economic and political stability and the reduction of waste and corruption. The absence of these in the past contributed to a significant degree to the lack of development of the country. The fact that the government is making a serious bid to ensure them is the best prognosis for a better future for the country. There is still a distance to go. The promised improvements that would directly benefit those who are at the bottom of the economic pyramid, and the quarter of the population who live below the poverty line, have yet to materialise. Prices of essential goods have not come down and some have seen sharp increases such as rice and coconuts. There are no mega projects in the pipeline that would give people the hope that rapid development is around the corner.
There were times in the past when governments succeeded in giving the people big hopes for the future as soon as they came to power. Perhaps the biggest hope came with the government’s move towards the liberalisation of the economy that took place after the election of 1977. President J R Jayewardene and his team succeeded in raising generous international assistance, most of it coming in the form of grants, that helped to accelerate the envisaged 30 year Mahaweli Development project to just six years. In 1992 President Ranasinghe Premadasa thought on a macro scale when his government established 200 garment factories throughout the country to develop the rural economy and to help alleviate poverty. These large scale projects brought immediate hope to the lives of people.
More recently the Hambantota Port project, Mattala Airport and the Colombo Port City project promised mega development that excited the popular imagination at the time they commenced, though neither of them has lived up to their envisaged potential. These projects were driven by political interests and commission agents rather than economic viability leading to debt burden and underutilisation. The NPP government would need to be cautious about bringing in similar mega projects that could offer the people the hope of rapid economic growth. During his visits to India and China, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake signed a large number of agreements with the governments of those countries but the results remain unclear. The USD 1 billion Adani project to generate wind power with Indian collaboration appears to be stalled. The USD 3.7 billion Chinese proposal to build an oil refinery also appears to be stalled.
RENEWED GROWTH
The absence of high profile investments or projects to generate income and thereby take the country to a higher level of development is a lacuna in the development plans of the government. It has opened the door to invidious comparisons to be drawn between the new government’s ability to effect change and develop the economy in relation to those in the opposition political parties who have traditionally been in the seats of power. However, recently published statistics of the economic growth during the past year indicates that the economy is doing better than anticipated under the NPP government. Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5 percent in the year 2024, reversing two years of contraction with the growth rate for the year of 2023 being estimated at negative 2.3 percent. What was particularly creditable was the growth rate for the fourth quarter of 2024 (after the new government took over) being 5.4 percent. The growth figures for the present quarter are also likely to see a continuation of the present trend.
Sri Lanka’s failure in the past has been to sustain its economic growth rates. Even though the country started with high growth rates under different governments, it soon ran into problems of waste and corruption that eroded those gains. During the initial period of President J R Jayawardene’s government in the late 1970s, the economy registered near 8 percent growth with the support of its mega projects, but this could not be sustained. Violent conflict, waste and corruption came to the centre stage which led to the economy getting undermined. With more and more money being spent on the security forces to battle those who had become insurgents against the state, and with waste and corruption skyrocketing there was not much left over for economic development.
The government’s commitment to cut down on waste and corruption so that resources can be saved and added to enable economic growth can be seen in the strict discipline it has been following where expenditures on its members are concerned. The government has restricted the cabinet to 25 ministers, when in the past the figure was often double. The government has also made provision to reduce the perks of office, including medical insurance to parliamentarians. The value of this latter measure is that the parliamentarians will now have an incentive to upgrade the health system that serves the general public, instead of running it down as previous governments did. With their reduced levels of insurance coverage they will need to utilise the public health facilities rather than go to the private ones.
COMMITTED GOVERNMENT
The most positive feature of the present time is that the government is making a serious effort to root out corruption. This is to be seen in the invigoration of previously dormant institutions of accountability, such as the Bribery and Corruption Commission, and the willingness of the Attorney General’s Department to pursue those who were previously regarded as being beyond the reach of the law due to their connections to those in the seats of power. The fact that the Inspector General of Police, who heads the police force, is behind bars on a judicial order is an indication that the rule of law is beginning to be taken seriously. By cost cutting, eliminating corruption and abiding by the rule of law the government is removing the obstacles to development. In the past, the mega development projects failed to deliver their full benefits because they got lost in corrupt and wasteful practices including violent conflict.
There is a need, however, for new and innovative development projects that require knowledge and expertise that is not necessarily within the government. So far it appears that the government is restricting its selection of key decision makers to those it knows, has worked with and trusts due to long association. Two of the committees that the government has recently appointed, the Clean Lanka task force and the Tourism advisory committee are composed of nearly all men from the majority community. If Sri Lanka is to leverage its full potential, the government must embrace a more inclusive approach that incorporates women and diverse perspectives from across the country’s multiethnic and multireligious population, including representation from the north and east. For development that includes all, and is accepted by all, it needs to tap into the larger resources that lie outside itself.
By ensuring that women and ethnic minorities have representation in decision making bodies of the government, the government can harness a broader range of skills, experiences, and perspectives, ultimately leading to more effective and sustainable development policies. Sustainable development is not merely about economic growth; it is about inclusivity and partnership. A government that prioritises diversity in its leadership will be better equipped to address the challenges that can arise unexpectedly. By widening its advisory base and integrating a broader array of voices, the government can create policies that are not only effective but also equitable. Through inclusive governance, responsible economic management, and innovative development strategies the government will surely lead the country towards a future that benefits all its people.
by Jehan Perera
Former Minister Ali Sabry’s recent op-ed, “Why Sri Lanka must continue to pursue a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy,” published in the Daily FT on 3 March, offers a timely reflection on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy trajectory in an increasingly multipolar world. Sabry’s articulation of a “non-aligned yet multi-aligned” approach is commendable for its attempt to reconcile Sri Lanka’s historical commitment to non-alignment with the realities of contemporary geopolitics. However, his framework raises critical questions about the principles of non-alignment, the nuances of multi-alignment, and Sri Lanka’s role in a world shaped by great power competition. This response seeks to engage with Sabry’s arguments, critique certain assumptions, and propose a more robust vision for Sri Lanka’s foreign policy.
Sabry outlines five key pillars of a non-aligned yet multi-aligned foreign policy:
- No military alignments, no foreign bases: Sri Lanka should avoid entangling itself in military alliances or hosting foreign military bases.
- Economic engagement with all, dependency on none
: Sri Lanka should diversify its economic partnerships to avoid over-reliance on any single country.
* Diplomatic balancing
: Sri Lanka should engage with multiple powers, leveraging relationships with China, India, the US, Europe, Japan, and ASEAN for specific benefits.
- Leveraging multilateralism
: Sri Lanka should participate actively in regional and global organisations, such as UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC.
- Resisting coercion and protecting sovereignty
: Sri Lanka must resist external pressures and assert its sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy.
While pillars 1, 2, and 5 align with the traditional principles of non-alignment, pillars 3 and 4 warrant closer scrutiny. Sabry’s emphasis on “diplomatic balancing” and “leveraging multilateralism” raises questions about the consistency of his approach with the spirit of non-alignment and whether it adequately addresses the challenges of a multipolar world.
Dangers of over-compartmentalisation
Sabry’s suggestion that Sri Lanka should engage with China for infrastructure, India for regional security and trade, the US and Europe for technology and education, and Japan and ASEAN for economic opportunities reflects a pragmatic approach to foreign policy. However, this compartmentalisation of partnerships risks reducing Sri Lanka’s foreign policy to a transactional exercise, undermining the principles of non-alignment.
Sabry’s framework, curiously, excludes China from areas like technology, education, and regional security, despite China’s growing capabilities in these domains. For instance, China is a global leader in renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and 5G technology, making it a natural partner for Sri Lanka’s technological advancement. Similarly, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers significant opportunities for economic development and regional connectivity. By limiting China’s role to infrastructure, Sabry’s approach risks underutilising a key strategic partner.
Moreover, Sabry’s emphasis on India for regional security overlooks the broader geopolitical context. While India is undoubtedly a critical partner for Sri Lanka, regional security cannot be addressed in isolation from China’s role in South Asia. The Chinese autonomous region of Xizang (Tibet) is indeed part of South Asia, and China’s presence in the region is a reality that Sri Lanka must navigate. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would seek to balance relationships with both India and China, rather than assigning fixed roles to each.
Sabry’s compartmentalisation of partnerships risks creating silos in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, limiting its flexibility and strategic depth. For instance, by relying solely on the US and Europe for technology and education, Sri Lanka may miss out on opportunities for South-South cooperation with members of BRICS.
Similarly, by excluding China from regional security discussions, Sri Lanka may inadvertently align itself with India’s strategic interests, undermining its commitment to non-alignment.
Limited multilateralism?
Sabry’s call for Sri Lanka to remain active in organisations like the UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC is laudable. However, his omission of the BRI, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is striking. These platforms represent emerging alternatives to the Western-dominated global order and offer Sri Lanka opportunities to diversify its partnerships and enhance its strategic autonomy.
The BRI is one of the most ambitious infrastructure and economic development projects in history, involving over 140 countries. For Sri Lanka, the BRI offers opportunities for infrastructure development, trade connectivity, and economic growth. By participating in the BRI, Sri Lanka can induce Chinese investment to address its infrastructure deficit and integrate into global supply chains. Excluding the BRI from Sri Lanka’s foreign policy framework would be a missed opportunity.
BRICS and the SCO represent platforms for South-South cooperation and multipolarity. BRICS, in particular, has emerged as a counterweight to such Western-dominated institutions as the IMF and World Bank, advocating for a more equitable global economic order. The SCO, on the other hand, focuses on regional security and counterterrorism, offering Sri Lanka a platform to address its security concerns in collaboration with major powers like China, Russia, and India. By engaging with these organisations, Sri Lanka can strengthen its commitment to multipolarity and enhance its strategic autonomy.
Non-alignment is not neutrality
Sabry’s assertion that Sri Lanka must avoid taking sides in major power conflicts reflects a misunderstanding of non-alignment. Non-alignment is not about neutrality; it is about taking a principled stand on issues of global importance. During the Cold War, non-aligned countries, like Sri Lanka, opposed colonialism, apartheid, and imperialism, even as they avoided alignment with either the US or the Soviet Union.
Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, under leaders like S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was characterised by a commitment to anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, opposing racial segregation and discrimination in both its Apartheid and Zionist forms. Sri Lanka, the first Asian country to recognise revolutionary Cuba, recognised the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam, supported liberation struggles in Africa, and opposed the US military base in Diego Garcia. These actions were not neutral; they were rooted in a principled commitment to justice and equality.
Today, Sri Lanka faces new challenges, including great power competition, economic coercion, and climate change. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would require Sri Lanka to take a stand on issues like the genocide in Gaza, the colonisation of the West Bank, the continued denial of the right to return of ethnically-cleansed Palestinians and Chagossians, the militarisation of the Indo-Pacific, the use of economic sanctions as a tool of coercion, and the need for climate justice. By avoiding these issues, Sri Lanka risks becoming the imperialist powers’ cringing, whingeing client state.
The path forward
Sabry’s use of the term “multi-alignment” reflects a growing trend in Indian foreign policy, particularly under the BJP Government. However, multi-alignment is not the same as multipolarity. Multi-alignment implies a transactional approach to foreign policy, where a country seeks to extract maximum benefits from multiple partners without a coherent strategic vision. Multipolarity, on the other hand, envisions a world order where power is distributed among multiple centres, reducing the dominance of any single power.
Sri Lanka should advocate for a multipolar world order that reflects the diversity of the global South. This would involve strengthening platforms like BRICS, the SCO, and the NAM, while also engaging with Western institutions like the UN and the WTO. By promoting multipolarity, Sri Lanka can contribute to a more equitable and just global order, in line with the principles of non-alignment.
Ali Sabry’s call for a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy falls short of articulating a coherent vision for Sri Lanka’s role in a multipolar world. To truly uphold the principles of non-alignment, Sri Lanka must:
* Reject compartmentalisation
: Engage with all partners across all domains, including technology, education, and regional security.
* Embrace emerging platforms
: Participate in the BRI, BRICS, and SCO to diversify partnerships and enhance strategic autonomy.
* Take principled stands
: Advocate for justice, equality, and multipolarity in global affairs.
* Promote South-South cooperation
: Strengthen ties with other Global South countries to address shared challenges, like climate change and economic inequality.
By adopting this approach, Sri Lanka can reclaim its historical legacy as a leader of the non-aligned movement and chart a course toward a sovereign, secure, and successful future.
(Vinod Moonesinghe read mechanical engineering at the University of Westminster, and worked in Sri Lanka in the tea machinery and motor spares industries, as well as the railways. He later turned to journalism and writing history. He served as chair of the Board of Governors of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute. He is a convenor of the Asia Progress Forum, which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com.)
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Cancellation of shows has turned out to be a regular happening where former Backstreet Boys Nick Carter is concerned. In the past, it has happened several times.
If Nick Carter is not 100 percent fit, he should not undertake these strenuous world tours, ultimately disappointing his fans.
It’s not a healthy scene to be cancelling shows on a regular basis.
In May 2024, a few days before his scheduled visit to the Philippines, Carter cancelled his two shows due to “unforeseen circumstances.”
The promoter concerned announced the development and apologised to fans who bought tickets to Carter’s shows in Cebu, on May 23, and in Manila, on May 24.
The dates were supposed to be part of the Asian leg of his ‘Who I Am’ 2024 tour.
Carter previously cancelled a series of solo concerts in Asia, including Jakarta, Mumbai, Singapore, and Taipei. And this is what the organisers had to say:
“Due to unexpected matters related to Nick Carter’s schedule, we regret to announce that Nick’s show in Asia, including Jakarta on May 26 (2024), has been cancelled.
His ‘Who I Am’ Japan tour 2024 was also cancelled, with the following announcement:
Explaining, on video, about the
cancelled ‘Who I Am’ shows
“We regret to announce that the NICK CARTER Japan Tour, planned for June 4th at Toyosu PIT (Tokyo) and June 6th at Namba Hatch (Osaka), will no longer be proceeding due to ‘unforeseen circumstances.’ We apologise for any disappointment.
Believe me, I had a strange feeling that his Colombo show would not materialise and I did mention, in a subtle way, in my article about Nick Carter’s Colombo concert, in ‘StarTrack’ of 14th January, 2025 … my only worry (at that point in time) is the HMPV virus which is reported to be spreading in China and has cropped up in Malaysia, and India, as well.
Although no HMPV virus has cropped up, Carter has cancelled his scheduled performance in Sri Lanka, and in a number of other countries, as well, to return home, quoting, once again, “unforeseen circumstances.”
“Unforeseen circumstances” seems to be his tagline!
There is talk that low ticket sales is the reason for some of his concerts to be cancelled.
Yes, elaborate arrangements were put in place for Nick Carter’s trip to Sri Lanka – Meet & Greet, Q&A, selfies, etc., but all at a price!
Wonder if there will be the same excitement and enthusiasm if Nick Carter decides to come up with new dates for what has been cancelled?
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