Features

Asymmetric federalism

Published

4 years ago

2022/08/5

The position of the Hong Kong dollar would be maintained. Even the lease of land would be valid after 1997 for 50 years with some stipulations.

By SUBRATA MUKHERJEE

The century of humiliation for the Chinese began with the Opium Wars beginning in 1839. Chinese tea became a part of the British drinking habit in the 19th century, but the Qing dynasty did not have any inclination to buy manufactured items from Britain. The demand for tea was enormous leading to a balance of payments crisis as the Chinese insisted that the payment be made either in gold or silver. The imperial and expansionist government of Queen Victoria was averse to using the country’s reserves of gold and silver and the tea importation tax imposed by the British was a large percentage of the British economy. To offset this balance of payment crisis the British administration forcibly exported opium from the Indian subcontinent to China. Opium for the British would be the barter for tea. The Chinese government objected to this huge export of narcotics forcibly by a foreign power. At that time the ill-effects of opium were less known and for the majority of the Britishers it was a medicine.

But the Chinese experience was different and alarming because the addiction impacted the economy and the armed forces. In England, liberal leaders like Gladstone (1809-98) recognised the dangers of opium use and objected to its export but the special interest group that made a huge fortune out of the opium trade which included even the grandfather of Franklin D Roosevelt (1882-1945) could easily resist such opposition. This powerful interest group sidelined the rational and moral objections of liberals like Gladstone. The Qing government found to its dismay that the ban on opium was ineffective as the British merchants could easily smuggle the drug into China. To stop it in 1839, the Chinese officials took direct action destroying 20,000 bales of opium, each chest containing 140 pounds of this narcotic. An angry Britain declared war to protect its illegal but very profitable trade. The first opium war lasted from 1839 to 1842. During the war Britain invaded the Chinese mainland and occupied the island of Hong Kong on 25 January 1841, using it as a military garrison. China had to cede Hong Kong to Britain by the Treaty of Nanking.

Thus, Hong Kong became a crown colony of the British which lasted till 1997. But the dispute over the opium trade was not resolved and that led to the second Opium war (1856-60). The settlement of the war through the first Peking convention was ratified on 18 October 1860 by which Britain acquired the Kowloon peninsula and stone cutter’s island. But security concerns regarding the free port developed by the British worried them as it was an isolated island surrounded by many islands under Chinese control. To settle it on 9 June 1898, the British signed a deal with the Chinese to lease Hong Kong, Kowloon and the new territories which included an important river and more than 200 small islands. The British tried for outright ownership but the Chinese, though weakened by the first Sino-Japanese war of 1895, could still negotiate a legally binding lease for 99 years. After Mao’s stewardship, and during the initial years of Deng’s rule, two basic principles were spelt out as a process of socialist modernisation: (1) reunification of the motherland and (2) building a proper security apparatus for the nation. Praising the work begun by Chairman Mao, it narrated how China has developed in the past 35 years.

The impact of this was not only that China has been able to create a socialist society, but it had also changed the ‘course of human history’. It also mentioned the counter revolutionary activities of the Gang of Four and praised Mao for guiding the nation with proper policies with emphasis on adaptability to ever changing situations. On this basis, the nation achieved stability, unity, democracy, and the rule of law. Deng used to remind Chinese audiences that the Chinese have the longest unbroken civilization of more than 5,000 years. The implication of this was that the interlude of foreign domination was a mere hundred years, and the Chinese were destined to get back their ancient pride in a modernized way. This longer historical perspective was a basic policy of Mao as well, as he strategized that though they could easily run over Hong Kong and Macao he followed a game of patience with “long term planning and full utilization of the present colonial governance of Hong Kong”. Deng who never publicly denounced Mao’s excesses unlike Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin, followed the Mao-Zhou strategy and steered the reunification process by a novel innovation of “one country, two systems”.

Margaret Thatcher after her triumph in the Falkland Islands War (1982) and her re-election with a larger majority tried to explore the feasibility of returning to China the new territories including the main Hong Kong whose lease would expire in 1997 but keeping the southern tips of Kowloon peninsula and Hong Kong islands protecting British primacy. But she could not pursue this policy as her close advisers had pointed to the indefensibility of such an arrangement. Thatcher realized holding on to Hong Kong beyond 1997 was not possible. She used her diplomatic skills to negotiate with the Chinese authorities what she thought would be the best deal for inhabitants of Hong Kong. But the people were not consulted and by and large they were unhappy with the deal. Two important issues dominated British thinking: one was sovereignty, and the other was immigration. Thatcher wanted to avoid large-scale immigration for the fear of losing support within the Conservative Party. On the other hand, if she unconditionally handed over Hong Kong then questions would be raised as to why she put all her strength in retaining the Falkland Islands in which many British soldiers lost their lives.

But realizing that talks could not be postponed, a secret UK government document cautioned Thatcher “what she could not do particularly in light of the recent Falkland Islands problem, was simply to announce, ‘we had conceded sovereignty over Hong Kong’.” After protracted negotiations both sides agreed to a compromise ‘One Country Two Systems” which would have Hong Kong governed by its basic law but accepting Chinese sovereignty and control. China received sovereign rights over the entire territory, while accepting that Hong Kong would enjoy a considerable degree of autonomy for fifty years ending in 2047. This had been thought through over a long period, since the Third Plenary Session of the Chinese Communist Party in December 1978. It evolved to settle the unsettled questions of Hong Kong and Taiwan. It was a policy of accepting totally different systems within one nation ~ a population of one billion following the socialist model, whereas understanding the different historical evolution of Hong Kong and Taiwan and contemporary circumstances, it was appropriate to accept their capitalistic systems. This position announced in 1984 was to ascertain the period of transition from 1984 to 1997.

The emphasis was on this crucial period of 13 years and the framework was specified. The position of the Hong Kong dollar would be maintained. Even the lease of land would be valid after 1997 for 50 years with some stipulations. There would be no enhancement of the number of personnel and their pay in the government services. Without consultation with mainland China, no administrators were to be imposed on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The British Hong Kong Government would ensure that there was no flight of capital. The emphasis was on cooperation between the Chinese and British governments. Basis this agreement, the expectation was that one country, two systems would work during this period of transition. Such a plan of peaceful transition of power would “serve as an example for other nations in settling the disputes history has bequeathed to them”. The pragmatism of the Communists to maintain the status of Hong Kong and the colony’s economic system to supplement foreign currency for China was guided by self-interest.

To achieve it a vast network of businesses and banks were owned by the Communists in the colony, the most important of which was the Bank of China through which profits of Communist-owned businesses and banks and lucrative amounts of remittances were transferred to Beijing. This was more than half of China’s foreign exchange earnings. This economic reason created confidence in the residents of Hong Kong that China would not attempt to annex Hong Kong as it was immensely useful to China. The 1967 riots that took place in Hong Kong as a spillover of the cultural revolution in China was out of a fear that in case of Hong Kong being annexed, Hong Kong communists would be termed as revisionists. The Gang of Four added to this feeling but Mao and Zhou had no such intent and Hong Kong’s status continued to remain intact even after the riots. The colonial British administration did not think of drastic democratic reforms or participation of the local people as there were only token reforms.

The handling of Macao and Hong Kong by the Chinese leadership under Mao-Zhou and subsequently under Deng prove the essential pragmatism of the Communist leadership. They were not in a hurry because they realized it was a major source of maintaining contact with the wealthy western nations and, after the split with the Soviets, a counter-balancing force. The question of democracy became muted as the British administration never seriously thought of incorporating the local inhabitants in the decision-making process. It showed that a party state can conceive strategies which would be dismissed as heresy by traditional Eurocentric Marxists but yielded positive results for Chinese development and survival.

Without any foreign aid China could manage its affairs and could accommodate a form of asymmetric federalism while within its own power structure it was unthinkable. After the transfer of power, the relative importance of Hong Kong has diminished as it now handles only 3 per cent of Chinese trade. But in per capita income it is far ahead of China, with an income of $49661 against China’s $12,551. But it is also ahead of Great Britain whose per capita income is $32,555. However, many Chinese universities have surpassed Hong Kong in world ranking. As the present balance is working well, it can safely be presumed that even after 2047 the special status of Hong Kong would continue.

(The Statesman/ANN)

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Features

US’ anti-migrant stance set to intensify tensions in Western camp

Published

4 hours ago

2026/06/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

Migrant boats land on Western beaches. Credit: PA

The announcement by the US authorities of an anti-migrant stance during a recent commemoration in France of the epochal D-Day Landings of June 6, 1944, ought to strike impartial observers as a supreme irony. Whereas what should have been expected was a vibrant celebration of the beginning of the process of Western Europe freeing itself decisively from Nazi or fascist control during the crucial stages of World War Two, this was not to be.

What the world heard instead was a call to contemporary Western Europe to arm itself against a seemingly rising and threatening migrant presence in the region. In other words, the migrant must be despised and ‘shown the door’.

Instead of a commemoration that rejoiced in the flourishing of liberal democracy and its values what one got was a strong affirmation of fascism and racial chauvinism. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vented his spleen against the migrant or foreigner presence in Europe reportedly thus: ‘Sadly today different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies.’ To ‘beaches in Spain and Italy and Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion?’

While at the outbreak of World War Two it was Nazi Germany that was doing the invading and bringing some principal European countries under its suzerainty, this time around we are being given to understand that it’s migrants to the West who are seeking to colonize the latter. It goes without saying that such inflammatory rhetoric would have the deleterious effect of keeping racial tensions alive in the West and jeopardize all possibilities of the countries concerned cementing and maintaining social stability.

The Trump administration gives the impression of taking a leaf from the politically underdeveloped regions of the South to keep the US polity stable and united. In South Asia, for instance, we are not short of ambitious demagogues who use what is referred to as the ‘race card’ to gather unto themselves a following and thereby further their political fortunes. By seeking to stir and sustain anti-migrant hysteria, the Trump administration is also essentially replicating Nazi Germany’s policy of anti-Semitism. That is, fascism is very much alive in the US under President Trump.

Such efforts at churning racial hysteria at this juncture in the US should not come as a surprise. For all intents and purposes, the Trump administration is nowhere near achieving its aims in West Asia, for instance, in the short term. It has failed to bring Iran down to its knees, as it hoped to do, but is adopting the expedient of keeping the world guessing and confused on what it is doing in the region, since it cannot withdraw from the theatre in a hurry without losing face.

While perhaps working out an escape strategy the Trump administration it seems, is hoping to maintain its following at home intact and silent by playing on their racial biases and insecurities. Hence, the anti-foreigner campaign.

Simultaneously, the Trump administration will need to keep a close eye on how economic pressures on the domestic front are panning out. Anti-administration sentiments first break to the surface at meal tables. On this score, the news cannot be good because the average US family’s spending power ought to be shrinking on account of rising energy and oil prices. Consequently, it would not be a bad idea to keep the attention of the US consumer diverted by adeptly playing ‘the race card’; once again, lessons from intellectually bankrupt Southern politicians are coming in handy.

To be sure such comparisons many politicians in vibrantly democratic countries would find quite unflattering. But the stark truth is that racism cannot be tolerated in civilized societies and those politicians who resort to it risk being branded as racists of the first degree. In fact they could be seen as being on par with the likes of German dictator Adolph Hitler and his close collaborators.

However, on the question of migrant policy the Trump administration would likely be at polar opposites with the most vibrant of liberal democracies of the West. This will be the case with the UK, France and Italy for instance. The latter continue to keep their doors open to legal migrants and they are likely to view a virtual blanket ban on migrants as reprehensible.

Moreover, in the foremost democracies of the West debates are vibrantly ongoing on the need to keep racism or any hint of it completely outlawed in the public plane. There is the case of the UK, for instance, where the authorities continue to emphatically pinpoint their adherence to the principle of anti-racism in the conduct of public affairs.

One proof of the above was the parliamentary debate relating to the killing of 18-year-old Henry Nowak in Southampton. Police handling of the victim came in for sharp scrutiny by particularly the opposition in the House of Commons but there seemed to be a consensus over the main political divide that the matter should not be politicized.

Moreover, the UK authorities stressed in the House the government’s strict adherence to the policy of non-racism. It was also pointed out that British institutions set up to manage racism at the national, county and neighbourhood levels, for example, were very much intact. In fact, Sri Lanka could gain considerably by studying and implementing locally, legislation modeled on the relevant UK laws if it is in earnest when it speaks of ‘reconciliation’.

Accordingly, it is highly unlikely that Western Europe would ‘cave in’, so to speak, to US pressure on issues related to migration. The liberal democracies of Western Europe in particular would remain for the foreseeable future migrant-welcoming, multi-ethnic and plural democracies.

Nor is it likely that Western Europe would be passively receptive to US demands that it drastically increases its defense spending to meet the latter’s demands. Within the Western fold the EU is remaining committed to backing Ukraine, for instance, in its ongoing armed resistance to the Russian invasion and it is not giving any indication of being deferent to US pressure.

However, although tensions would continue to bristle within US-Western Europe relations on the above and numerous other matters of contention it would be far too premature to announce a parting of company between the two sections of the West. In that sense, the post-World War Two order remains essentially intact. There are still many things in common between the two, particular on the economic plane, that will ensure the continuance of the partnership.

Features

A decade among Yala’s ghosts of gold

Published

4 hours ago

2026/06/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

YM75 "James" surveys his territory from a tree-top vantage point, demonstrating the leopard's commanding presence in the landscape.

The first rays of dawn creep over the ancient rocks of Yala. The Indian Ocean glimmers in the distance, and the wilderness slowly awakens. Somewhere amid the scrub jungle, a pair of amber eyes scans the landscape.

For wildlife conservationist and leopard researcher Milinda Wattegedara, moments such as these have defined more than a decade of dedication to one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic creatures—the Sri Lankan leopard.

What began as fascination evolved into a remarkable conservation journey that has transformed the understanding of Yala’s leopard population and placed Sri Lanka firmly on the global wildlife research map.

“Long before I ever lifted a camera, leopards had already captured my imagination,” says Wattegedara. “What fascinated me was not merely their beauty but the complexity of their lives—their hunting strategies, movements, reproductive behaviour and their remarkable ability to adapt to changing environments.”

That fascination led to the birth of the Yala Leopard Diary in 2013, an ambitious long-term project dedicated to documenting individual leopards and unraveling the mysteries surrounding their lives.

For many visitors, a leopard sighting is a fleeting thrill. For Wattegedara and his team, every encounter is a chapter in an ongoing scientific story.

“Each photograph was never the end of an encounter,” he explains. “It was the beginning of deeper questions. How did a particular leopard use the landscape? How did its behaviour change with the seasons? What environmental pressures shaped its decisions?”

These questions drove years of meticulous fieldwork. Every sighting was carefully recorded with details including location, habitat, behaviour, date and time. Photographs were analysed to identify individual animals through unique spot patterns, allowing researchers to distinguish one leopard from another with remarkable accuracy.

What followed was groundbreaking.

YF77 “Shelly” pauses in quiet observation, embodying the alertness
and grace that define Yala’s leopard population.

From 2013 to 2026, the Yala Leopard Diary identified an astonishing 189 individual leopards within the Yala Block 1. The research revealed a leopard density of approximately 0.524 leopards per square kilometre, making Yala one of the highest leopard-density landscapes ever recorded anywhere in the world.

Such findings have elevated Yala’s status among global wildlife researchers.

Nestled between the Indian Ocean and a mosaic of habitats, ranging from rocky outcrops to dense scrub forests, Yala offers an ecological stage unlike any other.

Here, leopards are photographed silhouetted against ocean horizons, perched atop ancient granite formations, resting on tree branches and stalking prey across sunlit grasslands.

The images tell stories of extraordinary lives.

There is Haminee, a devoted mother navigating the challenges of raising cubs in a competitive landscape. There is Lucas, one of Yala’s most frequently documented males, striding confidently across the Gonalabba Plains with the vast ocean forming an unforgettable backdrop.

There is Ruki demonstrating the species’ incredible strength by hoisting prey onto branches, and Shelly, quietly surveying her surroundings in a moment of feline vigilance.

Together, these individuals have become familiar characters in a living wilderness drama.

YM31 “Ruki” secures prey on a branch, illustrating the remarkable strength and coordination of the Sri Lankan leopard.

Recognising the immense value of long-term documentation, Wattegedara joined forces with fellow researchers Dushyantha Silva, Raveendra Siriwardana and Mevan Piyasena to establish the Yala Leopard Centre in 2020.

Located at the Palatupana entrance to the Yala National Park, the centre is believed to be the world’s first information facility dedicated exclusively to leopards.

“The centre serves as a repository of knowledge, accumulated through years of observation and research,” Wattegedara says. “Our goal is to connect visitors with the science behind conservation and foster a deeper appreciation of these magnificent animals.”

The project’s impact extends far beyond Sri Lanka’s borders.

Research arising from the Yala Leopard Diary has been published in internationally recognised scientific journals. One study introduced an innovative framework for identifying individual leopards, while another documented an extraordinary and previously unrecorded case of a leopard cub being consecutively adopted by two different adult females—first a relative and later an unrelated leopardess.

The discovery attracted international scientific attention and highlighted the complexity of leopard social behaviour.

Yet for Wattegedara, the most important lesson remains one of humility.

“One conclusion has become increasingly clear,” he reflects. “Our understanding of these leopards remains far from complete. We are only beginning to understand how they live, adapt and persist in one of Sri Lanka’s most dynamic protected landscapes.”

YF15 “Hope” descends Rukvila Rock at dawn, showcasing the agility and adaptability of Yala’s leopards.

His words underscore an essential conservation truth: the more we learn about nature, the more mysteries emerge.

As Sri Lanka navigates growing environmental challenges, the Yala Leopard Diary stands as a shining example of what sustained observation, scientific curiosity and public engagement can achieve.

Beyond the stunning photographs and remarkable sightings lies something even more valuable—a growing body of knowledge capable of informing future conservation decisions and ensuring that future generations inherit a wilderness where leopards continue to roam free.

For more than a decade, Wattegedara and his colleagues have followed the tracks of Yala’s elusive predators through dust, rain and scorching heat.

Their work has revealed that every leopard has a story, every sighting has significance and every photograph can contribute to conservation.

And perhaps, most importantly, it has reminded us that the golden ghosts of Yala still have many secrets left to share.

By Ifham Nizam

Features

Glamour, music and community spirit …

Published

4 hours ago

2026/06/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

Sri Lankans are quite active, all around the globe.

News has just come my way, from Glasgow, in Scotland, where the glamour of masks, music, dancing, and community spirit, came together, in spectacular fashion, at Masquerade Night, bringing together members of the Sri Lankan community for an evening filled with music, fashion, food and entertainment.

Organised by Mahesh Balaaratchi (DJ Mowgli) together with Sulochana Asmone, Hiroshini, Prasad, Ashi, and Shawn, the evening provided guests with an opportunity to socialise, enjoy live entertainment, and celebrate in a unique and elegant setting.

Guests arrived from 6:00 pm, dressed in formal attire and decorative masks, creating a colourful and vibrant atmosphere throughout the venue.

DJ Mowgli: The main
organiser of
Masquerade Night

There was a delicious selection of Sri Lankan cuisine and street food, which proved popular throughout the evening.

The buffet offered a variety of traditional favourites, giving attendees a taste of home while adding to the festive atmosphere.

Entertainment was provided by DJ Mowgli, whose performance kept the audience engaged throughout the night. His playlist featured a mixture of popular favourites, dance classics, and cultural music, remixed for a younger generation.

One of the highlights of the evening was the Baila session, which brought a distinctly Sri Lankan flavour to the event.

The Baila segment highlighted the importance of preserving and celebrating cultural traditions, while bringing people together through music and dance.

As familiar rhythms filled the room, guests enthusiastically took to the dance floor, creating one of the most memorable moments of the night.

The crowd was described as lively, energetic, and welcoming, with attendees embracing the spirit of the masquerade theme while enjoying the opportunity to reconnect with friends and meet new people. The family-friendly atmosphere ensured that guests of all ages could take part in the celebrations.