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Opinion

Are we so bad? – A reply

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Many years ago, when I was still in school in fact, this is what a foreigner told my friends and me: Comparing India with Sri Lanka, he said: In India, leaders are good but the people are bad. In Sri Lanka, people are good but the leaders are bad. Leaving India aside, I have never had reason to disagree ever since, about his view of Sri Lankans; the escalation of crime notwithstanding. If crime has been increasing in the country, the politicians have much to explain.

What can the people do if these leaders cling on even when they are thrown out lock stock and barrel? They find a way to crawl back manipulating the laws and closing ranks throwing out principles and ethics and opening the gate to externalize internal problems.

The one and only leader who did not come back after losing at the polls is Sir John Kotalawala. In 1956, he lost to Mr S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. After a few months, when mayhem was reigning in the country, and Mr B losing his life at the hands of his own supporters, some people went to Sir John and requested him to come back to politics. His reply was: “My people said they don’t want me. I will not come back.” He never did. I know of no other political leader in Sri Lanka who stood so tall. Even Dudley Senanayake returned to politics.

At a time when corruption is rife in the country, another two stories about Sir John are worth mentioning for the benefit of the younger generations who may not know, especially those in the universities. He built a school in his electorate. On the opening day, people were making speeches thanking him. In his reply, he said words to this effect: “Don’t thank me for this school. I did not build it with my money. I got a commission from the French company that was awarded a contract in the harbor. I built this school with that money.” Sir John was the Minister of Ports at the time.

Even though the people rejected him, he nevertheless, donated his walauwa, Kandawela to the people. It is a university today. I know of no other leader of the country who was so magnanimous as to donate his walauwa.

In stark contrast is the political culture of UK, the country where Dr Upul Wijayawardhana (UW) has chosen to live, forsaking his motherland, the country whose people, he says he feels so “strongly” for. In UK, when a party loses at the polls, its leader resigns, allowing the party to choose the next leader. This is a well-established political practice of the UK which has continued unbroken for well over seventy years except in one instance. Harold Wilson was PM from 1964 to 1970 and again from 1974 to 1976. Since the end of World War Two, UK has had no less than seventeen prime ministers. UK has moved further: The present Prime Minister is Rishi Sunak, a Hindu Indian, neither a white man nor a Christian.

Those agitating for constitutional reforms in Sri Lanka should take note and propose measures to raise the level of political morality to this level of UK. Leaders of mainstream parties who lead their parties to defeat at the polls should be required to return the baton back to their parties and go home, just like Sir John Kotalawala did.

If healthy political customs or practices such as these were current in our country’s politics, we’d never have had a thirty-year war and the country won’t be bankrupt today.

Living in cozy comfort, enjoying the freedom that UK provides and able to write without fear, UW will be doing a great service to the poor suffering people struggling to live in the land of his birth by writing on practices such as these and strive to improve Sri Lanka’s political morality, instead of writing to revive parties that are accountable for Sri Lanka’s racial and religious conflicts and corruption ultimately ending bankrupt.

I am pleased to hear UW supports a comprehensive investigation on the Channel 4 allegations. But he asks why it should be international? Not only must justice be done, justice must also appear to be done. The credibility of the government, both domestic and foreign, is so low, nobody will have any confidence that justice will be done if the government appoints another commission to inquire into the Channel 4 allegations or any other allegation. It’s only a waste of taxpayers’ money that must be collected for the coming elections. A study of the outcomes of commissions appointed by the government so far will prove this beyond reasonable doubt to any reasonable person capable of looking at issues objectively, desirous of creating a united Sri Lankan nation and not through politically coloured or sectarian glasses.

When Ranil and Mangala cosponsored the UNHRC resolution in question, they were acting as the true representatives of and echoing the consensus of the sovereign people of Sri Lanka for the betterment of all Sri Lankans. I do understand why this is beyond UW’s comprehension. He needs to change glasses and embrace the virtues of a secular, plural Sri Lankan nation. Yes, “Ranil and Mangala achieved uniqueness;” but not in the sense UW means. They won back respect for Sri Lanka as a nation that strives against great odds, to provide a level playing field for all the people of the country, whatever their race or religion and not just one community.

I explained the meaning of sovereignty as understood by me, namely that it belongs to all the people of Sri Lanka irrespective of their race or religion. UW says this implies that I said that the LTTE fought a just war. UW’s interpretation is his own. Other interpretations are possible. Whether LTTE fought a just war not, history will decide. Neither UW nor me. People beheaded as traitors are martyrs today. Think Keppetipola. There are several other examples all over the world.

In those early days of the “war,” –please note the inverted commas – there were two schools of thought. Some discussed the merits and demerits of a military solution; others of a political solution. I belonged to the latter school. The “war” ended in 2009. Several elections have been held. The people of the areas affected by the war never endorsed the military solution. The “war” winning party never won a single seat in those areas. The firefight ended; but the problem lives on. The war is a major reason for the country’s economic collapse.

Medicine is a highly disciplined study that trains medical students to think scientifically, logically objectively and not emotionally. It trains them to treat both friend and foe alike. Remember the Hippocrates’ oath. When I was stationed in Vavuniya, I used to visit the field hospital of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). There, I saw LTTE soldiers being treated by doctors of IPKF injured in battle fighting the IPKF. UW will be surprised to hear this even though he is also a doctor.

India is actually twenty-seven different countries. Her people speak nearly 2000 languages, dialects. India has terrorist problems and separatist problems too. When I went to India for counter terrorist and jungle warfare training, I found their instructors never used the word “enemy” to refer to their terrorists. They train their soldiers to call them “hostiles.” Why? Because they are their own people and have to be brought back to the fold. This is how India preserved and preserves her unity. We have three communities and three languages only. Our leaders are so incapable and weak, they are unable to preserve the country’s unity without an army, navy and an air force. I could say more. But the editor will have difficulties allocating space for me.

Brigadier (Rtd.) Ranjan de Silva
rpcdesilva@gmail.com



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Opinion

The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement

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By Lalin I De Silva

Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:

Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?

Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.

That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”

This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.

Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.

The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.

This deserves national attention.

We Produce — But Do We Connect?

Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.

Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.

The farmer often does not know the final consumer.

The consumer rarely knows the farmer.

Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.

Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.

Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.

That is not value-chain management.

It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.

25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies

A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.

The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.

Its purpose must be practical.

Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.

The first task would be to understand the district itself.

What fruits are grown?

Where are they grown?

When are they available?

Which traditional varieties are disappearing?

Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?

Where are the post-harvest losses?

What do farmers need?

What do consumers actually want?

From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.

Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.

From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit

Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.

You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.

You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.

That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.

The problem is not technology.

The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.

Traceability could change that.

The principle is simple:

Know your farmer. Know your fruit.

Let the Consumer Lead

For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.

“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.

A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:

What does the consumer need, value and trust?

If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.

Retailers respond.

Farmers respond.

Nurseries respond.

Researchers respond.

Investors respond.

Government eventually has to respond.

That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.

Start With Children

Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:

Two Fruits a Day.

Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:

“What are our fruits today?”

Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.

Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.

Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.

It must become part of family culture.

Kandy Could Begin

Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.

Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.

A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.

The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.

It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.

Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.

Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.

We simply have to recognise its value.

Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.

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Opinion

‘Outpost of Empire’

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Review

by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing

“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”

Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.

The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.

Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.

As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.

Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.

The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.

Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.

I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author

Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.

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Opinion

Speaker’s dilemma

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The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.

Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.

From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.

As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.

Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.

The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.

WILLIAM

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