Features
Are they two peas in a pod?
Economic policy and foreign policy:
By Neville Ladduwahetty
The general practice of governments of most nation states is to treat Economic policies and Foreign policy as two separate components of their national interest. Consequently, while the field of economics is littered with economic specialists, the field of foreign relations is confined to a relatively few. Perhaps, the tendency to do so is because of the popular understanding that economics is driven by market forces, while foreign policy is driven by a different paradigm, that being how nations conduct their relations with other nation states, even in matters that could include economics. This has resulted in the two subjects being handled by most governments as separate branches.
For instance, the financial crisis that Sri Lanka is currently facing is due to a combination of misguided economic policies, one of which was the lowering of taxes, causing the internal economy to be seriously impacted to a degree that caused budget deficits, and inflation to skyrocket, as a result of printing money, and the other being indulging in indiscriminately excessive dollar borrowings, from readily available sources, to develop infrastructure projects, where the returns were mostly in local Rupees. These lending sources took advantage of their bilateral relations to tempt Sri Lanka, because the significance of the island’s strategic location was critical to further their geopolitical interests. What Sri Lanka is experiencing currently is primarily due to these factors.
BLURRING of ECONOMIC and FOREIGN POLICIES
The nexus between Economic Policies and Foreign Policy is manifesting itself most prominently with neighbouring India. In April 2022, Sri Lanka’s debt to India was USD 1.041 billion. Today, it is nearly USD 5 Billion. While the need for India to engage in Sri Lanka’s internal and external affairs is motivated by self-interest, the fact that it would impact on Sri Lanka’s economic dependence is indisputable. Furthermore, it would also be a fetter to Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and independence to further relations with other countries with the view to furthering Sri Lanka’s own interests.
Sri Lanka is currently seriously campaigning for the importance of “economic integration between Sri Lanka and India”. Whether such a policy has been approved by the President and the Cabinet of Ministers, who, incidentally, are Constitutionally “charged with the direction and control of the Government”, is not known. As an extension of this policy, “India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration, since July 2022, has been exploring the possibility of bringing countries that are short of dollars into the Rupee settlement mechanism. Designating the INR as a legal currency in Sri Lanka has provided Sri Lanka much needed liquidity support to tide over its economic crisis amid inadequate availability of US dollars …” (Sunday Observer, May 7, 2023).
While designating the INR as the legal currency in Sri Lanka would be favourable to India, it would amount to Sri Lanka piling up stacks of Indian currency, through trade and tourism, not knowing what to do with it all, because the Indian rupee is not only a non-convertible currency but also because the distortion between exports from India being five times the exports from Sri Lanka to India, as stated herein. would seriously disadvantage Sri Lanka. For instance, “During the last 26 years the exports of India to Sri Lanka have increased at an annualized rate of 10.1%, from $397M, in 1995, to $4.87B, in 2021. In 2021, India did not export any services to Sri Lanka. In 2021, Sri Lanka exported $1B to India (https://oec.world › bilateral-country › ind › partner › lka)
The experience between India and Russia, in respect of oil exports from Russia, was no different. Russia realizing that they would be stuck with Billions of Indian Rupees, for bilateral trade with India, suspended negotiations “after months of negotiations failed to convince Moscow to keep Indian Rupees in its coffers. This will be a major setback for Indian importers of cheap oil and coal from Russia who were awaiting a permanent rupee payment mechanism to help lower currency conversion costs …. Russia is not comfortable holding rupees and wants to be paid in Chinese yuan.” (The Island, May 5, 2023).
“Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, on February 21, last year, India’s imports from Russia have risen to $51.3 billion, until April 5, from $10.6 billion in the same period in the previous year, according to another Indian government official” (Ibid). The fact that Russia is prepared to accept such a large outstanding debt, to be settled in Chinese yuan ,reflects the strength of the bilateral relationship between Russia and China, at the expense of India. This underscores the power of bilateral relationships that could at times influence economic issues and vis-a-versa.
Drawing a lesson from this Russian/Indian experience, Sri Lanka should test the strength of its relationships and explore settling its outstanding debts to China, India and Japan, in their respective currencies, instead of settling them in US Dollars.
THE SRI LANKAN EXPERIENCE
Although Sri Lanka, then Ceylon, started out with Foreign affairs being linked with Defence, Foreign relations came under the jurisdiction of an independent Ministry, with the passage of time, thereby causing economic policies and foreign policy to function under two separate Cabinet ministers. However, during the early stages of this separation, bilateral relations had a significant influence on the determination of economic priorities.
For instance, the impetus to manufacturing was initiated with the introduction of the steel and tyre factories, from Russia. The flour mill from Russia contributed to meet the food needs. Another was the textile mill, at Athurugiriya, from The German Democratic Republic (GDR). It was the strength of bilateral relationships that contributed to further the economic development of Sri Lanka. Likewise, the urgent power needs of Sri Lanka, in the late 1970s and 1980s, compelled the then government to initiate the Accelerated Mahaweli Programme. The Implementation of the programme depended on harnessing the needed funds.
To secure the funds, the late Gamini Dissanayake invited all the Ambassadors ,and local heads of aid missions in Colombo, to a detailed discussion because “the raising of foreign funds for the construction of the Projects and the implementation of the downstream development programmes”, presented themselves as the most formidable task. It was the bilateral relations with countries such as “the USA, the UK, Canada, the Federal Republic of Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands, Belgium, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Japan, and from international funding agencies, like the World Bank, through outright grants, such as from the UK, and soft loans that became the key for Sri Lanka to find the needed financial resources to implement the Accelerated Mahaweli programme.
These infrastructure projects did not impose financial strains on the economy, not only because the cost of funding was low but also the return on the investment, which was in the form of Dollar savings for power generation, was almost immediate. However, the more recently implemented projects were funded with high cost short term loans, where the return on investment was over too long a period to justify their viability. For instance, there are several grounds on which the network of expressways constructed can be justified, but not the funding through Dollar loans at high interest rates. Instead, they should have been funded through a gasoline tax, as was done in the U.S.A. following WWII, because at the end of the day, it is the user that foots the bill, similar to any Value Added Tax.
What was the motivation for the strategy adopted? Was it corruption, or was Sri Lanka tempted by the creditors into taking advantage of bilateral relations with a view to seeking a foothold in order to exploit its strategic location to pursue their own geopolitical interests? Whatever the reason, or reasons, the fact remains that the current crisis is because Sri Lanka was not astute enough to be aware of “Greeks bearing gifts.”
CONCLUSION
It is evident from the foregoing that Economic Policies and Foreign Policy do not work in isolation of each other. Instead, the material cited above demonstrate that Foreign Relations and Foreign Policy have a significant influence over Economic Policies even to the point of outwitting Economic Policies that have negative consequences. For instance, the offer of three 100 MW Nuclear Reactors, by Russia, is motivated by bilateral relations and certainly not by economic considerations, because it would amount to importing uranium instead of oil. The Light Rail Project, at a reported cost of USD 2.0 Billion from Japan, that has soured Sri Lanka/Japan relations, is similar in vein, because the loan is in Dollars and the benefits are in Rupees.
The clear reason for this is because Sri Lanka does not have an Economic Plan. If it had, Sri Lanka would be in sounder position to politely say NO to bilateral unsolicited offers, without an impact on Foreign Relations.
One guiding principle of such an Economic Plan should be that if the funding for a project is in International convertible currency, the return on the investment should be in the same currency, or, the equivalent reduction in imports should be in a convertible currency.
Not only does Sri Lanka NOT have an Economic Plan, she does not have a clear Foreign Policy either. There is no more talk of being Non-Aligned. There is not much talk of being Neutral, either. This vacuum is tempting all the major powers to seek a foothold in Sri Lanka because of its relevance to Indo-Pacific confrontations; a trend that would make Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and territorial integrity vulnerable. The lack of a clear Foreign Policy gives the opportunity for the Government to respond to each situation and to every offer, individually. Such an individualized approach not only allocates too much power to the President, and a few others close to him, but also could change with a change of Government. This approach is not in the best interests of Sri Lanka, particularly because of global uncertainties in terms of currency related economic issues, as well as the other maneuverings going on around Sri Lanka, arising from Indo-Pacific tensions.
The President has repeatedly commented on these tensions. The most recent being at the BMICH when he stated that Sri Lanka “doesn’t want to get caught between escalating US-China tensions…. We are now being asked to choose sides”. However, he had stated that Sri Lanka would not succumb to the pressures (Daily Mirror, May 11, 2023). If Sri Lanka is not to take sides and/or succumb to pressures, the policy to pursue vigorously the policy of “integrating” with India would be a contradiction.
The President’s recommendation has been to rely on a strengthened ASEAN in the coming decades. Reliance on a future strengthened ASEAN misses the most critical point that the strategic location of Sri Lanka is unique in comparison to that of other ASEAN countries. Consequently, the pressures on them would be significantly less and different to that of Sri Lanka. This fact alone requires Sri Lanka to develop its own policy as to how it handles these escalating tensions.
Therefore, it is imperative that clear bipartisan policies be developed in respect of the link between economic and foreign policy issues. In addition, because of this inevitable interplay between economic policy and foreign policy, the separate institutional arrangements that currently exist should be reformed and reorganized to include an overarching arrangement in order to foster greater integration between economic and foreign policies, when making decisions that impact on both sectors, and eventually, the country.
Features
How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US
On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.
If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.
The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.
Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’
It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’
Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.
Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.
However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.
The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.
From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.
The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.
However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.
Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.
However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.
Features
Grown: Rich remnants from two countries
Whispers of Lanka
I was born in a hamlet on the western edge of a tiny teacup bay named Mirissa on the South Coast of Sri Lanka. My childhood was very happy and secure. I played with my cousins and friends on the dusty village roads. We had a few toys to play with, so we always improvised our own games. On rainy days, the village roads became small rivulets on which we sailed paper boats. We could walk from someone’s backyard to another, and there were no fences. We had the freedom to explore the surrounding hills, valleys, and streams.
I was good at school and often helped my classmates with their lessons. I passed the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) at the village school and went to Colombo to study for the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). However, I did not like Colombo, and every weekend I hurried back to the village. I was not particularly interested in my studies and struggled in specific subjects. But my teachers knew that I was intelligent and encouraged me to study hard.
To my amazement, I passed the Advanced Level, entered the University of Kelaniya, completed an honours degree in Economics, taught for a few months at a central college, became a lecturer at the same university, and later joined the Department of Census and Statistics as a statistician. Then I went to the University of Wales in the UK to study for an MSc.
The interactions with other international students in my study group, along with very positive recommendations from my professors, helped me secure several jobs in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, where I earned salaries unimaginable in Sri Lankan terms. During this period, without much thought, I entered a life focused on material possessions, social status, and excessive consumerism.
Life changes
Unfortunately, this comfortable, enjoyable life changed drastically in the mid-1980s because of the political activities of certain groups. Radicalised youths, brainwashed and empowered by the dynamics of vibrant leftist politics, killed political opponents as well as ordinary people who were reluctant to follow their orders. Their violent methods frightened a large section of Sri Lanka’s middle class into reluctantly accepting country-wide closures of schools, factories, businesses, and government offices.
My father’s generation felt a deep obligation to honour the sacrifices they had made to give us everything we had. There was a belief that you made it in life through your education, and that if you had to work hard, you did. Although I had never seriously considered emigration before, our sons’ education was paramount, and we left Sri Lanka.
Although there were regulations on what could be brought in, migrating to Sydney in the 1980s offered a more relaxed airport experience, with simpler security, a strong presence of airline staff, and a more formal atmosphere. As we were relocating permanently, a few weeks before our departure, we had organised a container to transport sentimental belongings from our home. Our flight baggage was minimal, which puzzled the customs officer, but he laughed when he saw another bulky item on a separate trolley. It was a large box containing a bookshelf purchased in Singapore. Upon discovering that a new migrant family was arriving in Australia with a 32-volume Encyclopaedia Britannica set weighing approximately 250 kilograms, he became cheerful, relaxed his jaw, and said, G’day!
Settling in Sydney
We settled in Epping, Sydney, and enrolled our sons in Epping Boys’ High School. Within one week of our arrival from Sri Lanka, we both found jobs: my wife in her usual accounting position in the private sector, and I was taken on by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA). While working at the CAA, I sat the Australian Graduate Admission Test. I secured a graduate position with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) in Canberra, ACT.
We bought a house in Florey, close to my office in Belconnen. The roads near the house were eerily quiet. Back in my hometown of Pelawatta, outside Colombo, my life had a distinct soundtrack. I woke up every morning to the radios blasting ‘pirith’ from the nearby houses; the music of the bread delivery van announcing its arrival, an old man was muttering wild curses to someone while setting up his thambili cart near the junction, free-ranging ‘pariah’ dogs were barking at every moving thing and shadows. Even the wildlife was noisy- black crows gathered on the branches of the mango tree in front of the house to perform a mournful dirge in the morning.
Our Australian neighbours gave us good advice and guidance, and we gradually settled in. If one of the complaints about Asians is that they “won’t join in or integrate to the same degree as Australians do,” this did not apply to us! We never attempted to become Aussies; that was impossible because we didn’t have tanned skin, hazel eyes, or blonde hair, but we did join in the Australian way of life. Having a beer with my next-door neighbour on the weekend and a biannual get-together with the residents of the lane became a routine. Walking or cycling ten kilometres around the Ginninderra Lake with a fit-fanatic of a neighbour was a weekly ritual that I rarely skipped.
Almost every year, early in the New Year, we went to the South Coast. My family and two of our best friends shared a rented house near the beach for a week. There’s not much to do except mix with lots of families with kids, dogs on the beach, lazy days in the sun with a barbecue and a couple of beers in the evening, watching golden sunsets. When you think about Australian summer holidays, that’s all you really need, and that’s all we had!
Caught between two cultures
We tried to hold on to our national tradition of warm hospitality by organising weekend meals with our friends. Enticed by the promise of my wife’s home-cooked feast, our Sri Lankan friends would congregate at our place. Each family would also bring a special dish of food to share. Our house would be crammed with my friends, their spouses and children, the sound of laughter and loud chatter – English mingled with Sinhala – and the aroma of spicy food.
We loved the togetherness, the feeling of never being alone, and the deep sense of belonging within the community. That doesn’t mean I had no regrets in my Australian lifestyle, no matter how trivial they may have seemed. I would have seen migration to another country only as a change of abode and employment, and I would rarely have expected it to bring about far greater changes to my psychological role and identity. In Sri Lanka, I have grown to maturity within a society with rigid demarcation lines between academic, professional, and other groups.
Furthermore, the transplantation from a patriarchal society where family bonds were essential to a culture where individual pursuit of happiness tended to undermine traditional values was a difficult one for me. While I struggled with my changing role, my sons quickly adopted the behaviour and aspirations of their Australian peers. A significant part of our sons’ challenges lay in their being the first generation of Sri Lankan-Australians.
The uniqueness of the responsibilities they discovered while growing up in Australia, and with their parents coming from another country, required them to play a linguistic mediator role, and we, as parents, had to play the cultural mediator role. They were more gregarious and adaptive than we were, and consequently, there was an instant, unrestrained immersion in cultural diversity and plurality.
Technology
They became articulate spokesmen for young Australians growing up in a world where information technology and transactions have become faster, more advanced, and much more widespread. My work in the ABS for nearly twenty years has followed cycles, from data collection, processing, quality assurance, and analysis to mapping, research, and publishing. As the work was mainly computer-based and required assessing and interrogating large datasets, I often had to depend heavily on in-house software developers and mainframe programmers. Over that time, I have worked in several areas of the ABS, making a valuable contribution and gaining a wide range of experience in national accounting.
I immensely valued the unbiased nature of my work, in which the ABS strived to inform its readers without the influence of public opinion or government decisions. It made me proud to work for an organisation that had a high regard for quality, accuracy, and confidentiality. I’m not exaggerating, but it is one of the world’s best statistical organisations! I rubbed shoulders with the greatest statistical minds. The value of this experience was that it enabled me to secure many assignments in Vanuatu, Fiji, East Timor, Saudi Arabia, and the Solomon Islands through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund after I left the ABS.
Living in Australia
Studying and living in Australia gave my sons ample opportunities to realise that their success depended not on acquiring material wealth but on building human capital. They discovered that it was the sum total of their skills embodied within them: education, intelligence, creativity, work experience and even the ability to play basketball and cricket competitively. They knew it was what they would be left with if someone stripped away all of their assets. So they did their best to pursue their careers on that path and achieve their life goals. Of course, the healthy Australian economy mattered too. As an economist said, “A strong economy did not transform a valet parking attendant into a professor. Investment in human capital did that.”
Nostalgia
After living in Australia for several decades, do I miss Sri Lanka? Which country deserves my preference, the one where I was born or the one to which I migrated? There is no single answer; it depends on opportunities, prospects, lifestyle, and family. Factors such as the cost of living, healthcare, climate, and culture also play significant roles in shaping this preference. Tradition in a slow-motion place like Sri Lanka is an ethical code based on honouring those who do things the same way you do, and dishonour those who don’t. However, in Australia, one has the freedom to express oneself, to debate openly, to hold unconventional views, to be more immune to peer pressure, and not to have one’s every action scrutinised and discussed.
For many years, I have navigated the challenges of cultural differences, conflicting values, and the constant negotiation of where I truly ‘belong.’ Instead of yearning for a ‘dream home’ where I once lived, I have struggled, and to some extent succeeded, to find a home where I live now. This does not mean I have forgotten or discarded my roots. As one Sri Lankan-Australian senior executive remarked, “I have not restricted myself to the box I came in… I was not the ethnicity, skin colour, or lack thereof, of the typical Australian… but that has been irrelevant to my ability to contribute to the things which are important to me and to the country adopted by me.” Now, why do I live where I live – in that old house in Florey? I love the freshness of the air, away from the city smog, noisy traffic, and fumes. I enjoy walking in the evening along the tree-lined avenues and footpaths in my suburb, and occasionally I see a kangaroo hopping along the nature strip. I like the abundance of trees and birds singing at my back door. There are many species of birds in the area, but a common link with ours is the melodious warbling of resident magpies. My wife has been feeding them for several years, and we see the new fledglings every year. At first light and in the evening, they walk up to the back door and sing for their meal. The magpie is an Australian icon, and I think its singing is one of the most melodious sounds in the suburban areas and even more so in the bush.
by Siri Ipalawatte
Features
Big scene for models…
Modelling has turned out to be a big scene here and now there are lots of opportunities for girls and boys to excel as models.
Of course, one can’t step onto the ramp without proper training, and training should be in the hands of those who are aware of what modelling is all about.
Rukmal Senanayake is very much in the news these days and his Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency – is responsible for bringing into the limelight, not only upcoming models but also contestants participating in beauty pageants, especially internationally.
On the 29th of January, this year, it was a vibrant scene at the Temple Trees Auditorium, in Colombo, when Rukmal introduced the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt.

Tharaka Gurukanda … in
the scene with Rukmal
This is the second Model Hunt to be held in Sri Lanka; the first was in 2023, at Nelum Pokuna, where over 150 models were able to showcase their skills at one of the largest fashion ramps in Sri Lanka.
The concept was created by Rukmal Senanayake and co-founded by Tharaka Gurukanda.
Future Model Hunt, is the only Southeast Asian fashion show for upcoming models, and designers, to work along and create a career for their future.
The Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, which showcased two segments, brought into the limelight several models, including students of Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency and those who are established as models.
An enthusiastic audience was kept spellbound by the happenings on the ramp.

Doing it differently
Four candidates were also crowned, at this prestigious event, and they will represent Sri Lanka at the respective international pageants.
Those who missed the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, held last month, can look forward to another exciting Future Model Hunt event, scheduled for the month of May, 2026, where, I’m told, over 150 models will walk the ramp, along with several designers.
It will be held at a prime location in Colombo with an audience count, expected to be over 2000.
Model With Ruki offers training for ramp modelling and beauty pageants and other professional modelling areas.
Their courses cover: Ramp walk techniques, Posture and grooming, Pose and expression, Runway etiquette, and Photo shoots and portfolio building,
They prepare models for local and international fashion events, shoots, and competitions and even send models abroad for various promotional events.
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