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ARE SRI LANKA’S DEBTS “ODIOUS”?

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by M. Sornarajah

Emeritus Professor of Law

National University of Singapore

The economic crisis in Sri Lanka is due to massive borrowings by recent governments of the country. It is true that external factors, like the covid pandemic and, later, the war on Ukraine, contributed to the crisis but inability to service the loans was the primary and immediate cause of the economic crisis. The policies of the government like the reduction in taxation of high earners, the mismanagement of the covid pandemic and the banning of chemical fertilisers contributed to the situation. These were factors that operated on the primary cause, the unsustainable debts that had been incurred for purposes which lacked a clear public benefit and were tainted by corruption. Repayment of interests on the loans depleted the dollar resources of the state.

Sri Lanka now lacks resources to service the loans. The government has declared that it has no more than 50 million dollars in its coffers. That is less than the personal wealth of our corrupt politicians. Some arguments must be found for rescheduling the debts. Among them are the lack of public utility of the debts, the lack of transparency in the loan transactions, excess of authority of public officials negotiating the loan, the unfavourable interest rates and the complicity of the lender in making the tainted transactions. These reasons are encapsulated in the legal doctrine on “odious debts.” This article examines the possible application of the doctrine of odious debts to the debt obligations of Sri Lanka.

The restructuring of the existing debts so as to make repayments easier is necessary to ease the debt burdens of the country. In negotiating such restructuring, it is relevant to discuss whether the original purposes of the debts and the circumstances of their negotiations impact on the fairness of the debt obligations. A sovereign debt is unlike a commercial debt. A commercial debt is negotiated between private parties. The transaction is between the lender, usually a bank and a private person. The private person seeks the debt for a purpose of his own and the parties agree on terms relating to interest and repayment. The loan transaction is subject to the normal principles of contract law. Even in such private transactions, domestic legal systems are beginning to question the fairness of the terms of the loan.

The debt obligation of a sovereign state is different. For one, the sums involved in a sovereign loan is very large, unlike in private commercial transactions. The debt is negotiated between the government of the state through its officials with a foreign state or a foreign bank in order to serve the interest of a third party, the public of the state. It is the existence of this public interest that gives legitimacy to the debt obligation. Where that public interest is lacking, doctrine has it that the sovereign debt is an odious debt, particularly in the situations where the lender knew that the loan was tainted by an absence of public interest or corruption.

Creditor complicity in the taint exists where the creditor lent the money in order to achieve a purpose of its own, such as securing a political advantage or securing high interest rates using the ignorance of the sovereign borrower. The debt becomes odious also where the creditor is aware of the widespread culture of corruption in the state. The instances where the lender pushes the loans for securing monetary or political advantages for itself are regarded as instances of “predatory lending”, the existence of which supports a finding of an odious debt.

The doctrine of odious debts in international law casts doubt on the validity of debt obligations created by a government when it appears that the debt was not to be used and was not used for a project that benefited the people. In terms of Sri Lankan domestic law, the ministers or public officials who negotiate loans knowing that the public interest in the loan is non-existent or slim, exceed their bounds of authority. The sovereign loan, being an administrative transaction located in public law, would be treated as invalid due to excess of authority. The soundness of the premises on which the doctrine is based is unassailable.

The policy purpose of the doctrine is admirable in that it deters lending to states with corrupt leaders. It raises the question also as to whether lending states should use sovereign debts as instruments of diplomacy to further their influence with the state or the region. The legitimacy of a debt made to an authoritarian government by a lender who sought to cultivate a special relationship with a regime is an irksome idea. Why should such a debt be passed on to a later democratic government? Why should the people of the state have to bear the debt burden which is not to their advantage?

There are human rights issues that arise as well. The example of Sri Lanka indicates that such debts result in an increasing unavailability of the essentials of life, like medicines, electricity, cooking gas, transport, hospital facilities and schooling for children. They result in hunger and increase poverty. They implicate the violation of human rights such as the right to life. Such loans come into conflict with fundamental norms of international law and must be considered invalid on that count.

The debts that have been incurred by the Sri Lankan governments in the last few years do have hallmarks of odious debts. They were debts incurred by a government that the people allege was steeped in corruption. It is alleged that a part of the loans found their way into the pockets of ministers and public officials who negotiated the loan. Many of them lacked a public purpose, were not negotiated transparently and served the political interests of leaders of the borrowing state and the foreign policy interests of the lending state.

Many of the projects for which Sri Lanka sought loans lacked an overt public purpose. Many were projects which were objected to on grounds of feasibility, the harm they could cause the environment or the lack of potential to earn revenue. True it is that some projects involved the building of infrastructure such as roads and bridges but the raising of the loan as well as the tendering processes in these projects involved heavy corruption. The popular belief is that more than 10 percent of the sums involved in every government project found its way into the personal coffers of a particular minister. There are many projects that the public readily associate with corruption because of their obvious lack of utility to the public despite the high costs involved in their construction.

The megaprojects for which loans were granted have some common features. They are named after President Mahinda Rajapaksa, indicating that they were often vanity projects designed to keep the President’s name for posterity. Each one of them has been referred to as a white elephant in both the local and the international press. There was considerable local opposition to their construction. Besides the other common features, they were usually located in the Hambantota District, the native area of the Rajapaksa family. These debts were given by Chinese development banks which were influenced by the Chinese policy of securing a foothold in Sri Lanka. The projects so overtly lacked public interest that the lender should have known that the loans were tainted.

Many of the loans were raised in the context of a new foreign policy initiated by President Mahinda Rajapaksa. There was a tilt in foreign policy towards China. China itself was fast rising as an economic power. China was keen to establish links with Indian Ocean States. Sri Lanka provided strategic advantages in securing a foothold in the Indian Ocean. China also began a Belt Road Initiative, the object of which was to restore Chinese influence along the old land-based silk route as well as the maritime routes that the Chinese Admiral Zheng He had used in the fifteenth century. (It is a matter of our history that the Chinese Admiral visited our island on two occasions. He captured one of our kings, Alekeswara, and took him to China as a hostage. A regime change resulted. (See The Island, 31.05.2021 on the “Trilingual Inscription on the Galle Stela”. The inscribed stone left behind by the Admiral was found in Galle. It is kept in the National Museum.) Recovering the past influence was an object of the BRI in the context of which China is said to pursue a policy based on loans to the countries of the BRI region. If so, there was a political objective behind the giving of these loans.

Several loans were given by the Chinese Exim Bank. The Export-Import Bank of China is chartered to implement the policies of the Chinese state in the areas of international trade, industry and foreign aid. It was a principal source of loans to several projects in Sri Lanka. The Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port (Hambantota Port) was built with large loans given by the bank. The economic feasibility of the Port is suspect. As a result of problems in the repayment of loans, a 99-year old lease was given to a joint venture company in which a Chinese state corporation had 80 percent of the shares. There was a lack of transparency in the transaction.

The Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport was also built with loans from China. It was described by Forbes Magazine as the “world’s emptiest airport”. It provides a home for wildlife in the area and was used for storage of rice. The Mahinda Rajapaksa International Cricket Stadium is another white elephant built near Hambantota. It cannot attract sufficient spectators to make playing international matches there viable. The Stadium was built by the Sri Lankan cricket authorities though a Chinese company which is owed money for its construction. The Lotus Tower sticks out like a thumb in the Colombo skyline. It was built with loans. It is difficult to discover a public interest in its construction.

The Nelum Pokuna Mahinda Rajapakse Theatre was built to resemble the Nelum Pokuna in Polonoruwa, built by Parakramabahu The Great in the twelfth century. It was built with borrowed money. There is also the building of the DA Rajapaksa Museum concerning which a case is pending. These projects could not have promoted public welfare. The loans to construct them must be regarded as odious debts.

Other projects connected with Hambantota, like the Southern Expressway (on which I recently drove comfortably from Colombo to Kataragama), though little used due to high tariffs, do have public utility. The same would apply to the improvement of road networks under the Rajapaksa regime. Though their construction involved much corruption, they were useful to the public. To the extent that the odious debt doctrine may have partial application, the doctrine may affect these projects as well.

Much is made in newspapers about the Chinese debt trap. There does not seem to be a case for that. But, there seems to have been an eagerness to court the Rajapaksas and give loans for unwise projects. There may also have been a need to show the success of the Belt Road Initiative behind the making of these loans.

China has used the odious debt doctrine in the past to deny its debt obligations. Immediately after the success of the Chinese Revolution, China used the odious debt doctrine to justify default on bonds issued in connection with the building of the Huguang Railway during the previous regime in litigation arising before US courts in 1952.

The odious debt doctrine can be used to justify default on payment of some debts. Strategically, it would be best to use the doctrine to renegotiate or reschedule the debt obligation. The doctrine will enable an argument that some debts which carried little public benefit should be rescheduled in a manner favourable to Sri Lanka. The countries that are using this doctrine will increase. The doctrine has been discussed in connection with Greece, Ecuador and Venezuela. The doctrine featured in the rescheduling of Argentine debts during its economic crisis in 2000.

In 2003, the Bush administration favoured the cancellation of Iraqi debts partly on the ground that the debt obligations were created during a dictatorial regime. Many Iraqi debts were cancelled. Debts incurred by colonial governments were renounced by the newly independent states, Algeria and Indonesia providing examples. In the immediate post-colonial period, developing states made the argument that they do not succeed to debt obligations incurred during colonial rule. The affinity with such past situations with the current debts of states exist when an authoritarian leader clothed in the vestiges of democracy commits his country to unwise loans that do not further the public interest but advance his personal interests.

The odious debt doctrine is not supported by extensive case law because it is an argument used largely for the restructuring of debts. It provides a useful tool to base an argument for cancellation or renegotiation of unsavoury debts. In the Sri Lankan case, the debts owed to China do attract the application of the doctrine. The Chinese debts form only 10% of our debts. The extent to which loans by private institutions can be subject to the doctrine is uncertain due to lack of information. Given the context in which Sri Lanka finds herself, exploration of the use of the application of this doctrine to the Sri Lankan debts is necessary.

The potential finding of the Sri Lankan debts as odious debts also requires reform of the rules that regulate the raising of loans by the state. In a country ruled by successive authoritarians, maintaining power through ethno-religious chauvinism, the practice of securing corrupt loans will be rife. There should be constitutional and other regulatory mechanisms controlling future governments raising loans from foreign banks. Besides complete transparency, there should be demonstration of clear public benefit objectives that are secured by the loan and the spending of the money.



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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