Features
An attractive sabbatical offer and two weeks in Yugoslavia
Whilst I was at the SLBC Mr. Nihal Kappagoda, who was a former Director-General of External Resources and was at the time working for the Canadian International Development Association (CIDA.) dropped-in to see me. We had not met for sometime since he was mostly abroad. It was nice to meet a former colleague in service. During the course of the conversation, Nihal made me an offer. He said that CIDA. had a program where younger administrators of promise could take a sabbatical for one year at a first rate university anywhere in the world.
CIDA. would fund both the candidate and his spouse. The program did not direct you to do anything particular. You were merely let loose in a top university and it was up to you to do what you wanted. For instance, you could read extensively; participate in or conduct seminars, or sit down and start writing a book. If you did nothing, that too was up to you, but Nihal said, that they were sure that the type of people selected for the program were such that it would be impossible for them to do nothing.
The program was meant for top level administrators who were around middle age, to enable them to get away, do something different, rejuvenate themselves intellectually and get back. Nihal was kind enough to say that he would try to place me in Oxford, Cambridge or Harvard. This was something totally unexpected and immensely attractive. But I had two major problems, one of them personal. The official aspect was, that after a change of government, I could not ask for a year’s leave, so early in the new administration.
The personal problem was the illness of my father. I could not leave him and go away for a year. I was certain that he would not last that long. I told this to Nihal. He was so keen that he said that he would be prepared to fund me in Peradeniya University. But getting away for one year was not possible, and it was with regret that I declined this generous offer. I am sincerely grateful to Nihal for his eagerness and enthusiasm to obtain this attractive placement for me.
Non-Aligned Broadcasting Conference in Yugoslavia
During the late first half of October 1977, the Minister informed me that I would have to attend the Non-Aligned Broadcasting Conference in Sarajevo, Yugoslavia, later during the month. I straightaway told him that he should send someone else. The Minister was rather surprised and inquired why? I replied that, it was with great difficulty that I had restored some order and stability to the SLBC; that the work was proceeding smoothly at the moment; that I was determined to keep up the pressure; and that I had imposed several deadlines on implementation which needed to be pursued without slackening.
For all these reasons, I said, that I was not in a position to go anywhere right at the moment. In fact, I added, that I felt that I should be there for at least six months more. It was only thereafter that the position could be reviewed. The Minister said he would think about it. A few days later he informed me that I would personally have to go since the Yugoslav Ambassador had met him and stressed that the Director-General himself should attend in view of the importance of the conference.
The conference itself was a ministerial meeting. Mr. Wijetunge was not going, and the Deputy Minister, Mr. Chandra Karunaratne, was to lead the delegation. The Ambassador had stressed that since the Minister was also not attending, it was most important that the Director-General participated.
Running Radio Stations
Running radio stations and broadcasting facilities is different to running a normal office. The quality of the programs; their relevance; issues of selection from a wide array of material; decisions on sensitive news items; coping with constant pressures from artistes, politicians, civic and religious groups for more radio time; technical breakdowns that affect services or threaten some important program; all these and more are constant companions of the Director-General and his colleagues. Therefore, it is not possible to observe any kind of normal office hours, or a normal work week.
On many a day I was at the station till about 11 p.m. and consistently dropped in for at least a few hours on Saturdays, Sundays and public holidays. In between, there were the telephone calls home to discuss or obtain a ruling on some matter or other. Especially, in the absence of T.V. at the time, broadcasting was a powerful medium with a comprehensive national reach, which exceeded the print media, and one had to be alert all the time because of the sensitivities involved. All these were added reasons why I did not wish to leave the country at this particular juncture.
At the same time, I was getting genuinely interested in this totally new area of work for me. Someone with great experience in the media told me, very early in my assignment, that the job would grow on me, and that I would begin to enjoy it. At that time, with all the pressures and problems, I did not believe this would happen. All I thought possible was a disciplined discharge of duty. But he was right. After sometime, with greater understanding, with greater exposure to experienced and talented media personnel, and listening to what they had to say, as well as reading up on the subject and doing some writing for “Tharanganie” the journal of the SLBC, I gradually began to enjoy this new field.
I was particularly pleased therefore, as a newcomer to receive several complimentary references from experienced media personalities at a senior seminar on broadcasting as a medium. One of them went on to describe me as a person possessing “The three A’s – Amiability, Accessibility and Ability.” But more than all these, I was very pleased when several participants at the seminar pointed out that I had brought about good human relations in the organization, and that there was a welcome environment of stability and calm in the place.
I wanted very much therefore, to institutionalize good practices and establish a culture of co-operation, collaboration and collegiality. It was under all these circumstances, that I believed that my being out of the country for about two weeks at this juncture would not be helpful. The Yugoslav Ambassador’s appeal to the Minister however, clinched the issue.
Departure for Yugoslavia
The Deputy Minister, Mr. Chandra Karunaratne and I left on October 23. On the early afternoon two days later we had reached Sarajevo and lodged in the Hotel Bristol. Within Yugoslavia, flights were delayed by thick fog and we lost over 12 hours, waiting at airports. At 6.30 p.m. we had to attend the official reception hosted by the Government of Bosnia/Herzegovina. Afterwards, in the late evening, we managed to walk round the beautiful and distinctive old quarter of the town. We visited the spot, marked with a circle, where the Serb Nationalist Gavrilo Princip stood that fateful day in 1914 and shot and killed the Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, thus precipitating World War I. Sarajevo looked beautiful in autumn, with its hills, trees a riot of colour, and stands of firs.
October 26 morning we spent meeting various delegates at the hotel and getting to know them. We had an elderly lady attached to our delegation, as a protocol officer. She had been a school teacher, and treated us as her pupils. She was smart, possessed a welcome sense of humour and instincts of military discipline. Her favourite words were “We shall go,” or “We shall” do whatever. She may have been somewhat wasted on our delegation. Both the Deputy Minister and I were always punctual and quite peaceful. She would have been an ideal attache to an easy going, laid back delegation with a problem of time management. The steely eye and the “We shall” could not brook any resistance. She told me in the morning, “You shall go” to a working group meeting beginning at 4 p.m. in the conference center downtown, adding “I shall come to accompany you at 3.45 p.m.” I meekly surrendered.
After this meeting the delegates visited an exhibition on President Tito’s life, and an exhibition of radio and TV equipment, both arranged in the conference complex, which was quite nice and spacious. The day did not end with this. I had to attend a dinner hosted by the Vice President of Yugoslav Radio/TV to a select group of invitees including senior officials from the United Nations and UNESCO at the unusual hour of 11 p.m. The dinner ended around 1.30 a.m. and it was well past 2 a.m. when I finally got to bed.
There was no time for much sleep, for later at 10 a.m. this day, the 27th, was the ceremonial opening of the conference and our lady companion had directed that we “Shall” leave at 9.15 a.m. The formalities were concluded by 12.15 p.m. In the afternoon, from 3.30 p.m. to 8 p.m. we sat in plenary. Many of the references, not only dealt with the quality and reach of broadcasting and the necessity for continuous technical improvements, but also emphasized the all important question of the radio spectrum, and the rights of the developing countries, over such a vital issue. We got back to our hotel, just in time to attend a reception hosted by the Vice President of Yugoslavia at our hotel.
I had developed a bad cold and a mild cough and was feeling somewhat feverish. But, we were a small delegation and Sri Lanka was too well known in Non-Aligned circles, to be able to safely dodge important receptions. This was all the more so, because many persons looked forward to your attendance, in order to discuss various matters, which they were unable to do during the sessions. So, availability and accessibility were important.
The morning of the following day the 28th, was taken up with plenary. The committees commenced work at 5 p.m. I was elected Vice Chairman of the second committee entrusted with the draft action program, with Algeria as Chairman. We worked till 8 p.m. In between, I dropped in at the conference medical center. A doctor examined me and gave me medicines, for my cold, cough and fever. From 9 p.m. to 10.30 p.m. was a display of folk dancing from the various regions of Yugoslavia. I was feeling slightly better by evening, and I stayed on to watch some most colourful and skilled performances.
On the 29th morning, the commi^ttee resumed work, and we continued till early afternoon. Before getting back to the hotel, I had to give two interviews, one to the Zagreb press and the other to Radio Bosnia Herzegovina. They were very interested in Sri Lanka as a leading Non-Aligned country, having close relations with Yugoslavia. They were interested in aspects of news coverage, particularly coverage of the third world, varieties of musical programs including folk music; the use of radio dramas not only as an artistic and aesthetic experience, but also as an educational and developmental tool; strengthening of ties in the area of radio and television between our two countries etc.
I informed them that television was imminent in Sri Lanka and that right at the moment, the Cabinet was considering various proposals. We had no work in the evening, but had to attend another of those official events, a dinner hosted by Radio/TV Belgrade.
Adventures on a free afternoon
The final plenary session to discuss and adopt the reports from the committees commenced at 10.30 a.m. next day. The conference was over by noon, in time for delegates to attend a 12.30 p.m. reception hosted by the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bosnia/Herzegovina. At last, we had a free afternoon and we wanted to see something of the countryside. Our efficient lady attache had made suitable arrangements. She had however erred somewhat in selecting the driver of the car.
He turned out to be an extremely pleasant and personable young man, apparently with a large content of motor racing in his blood. There were occasions when we involuntarily shut our eyes at the speed at which he took some tortuous bends on the mountain roads we traveled. One mistake and we would have been over some precipice gazing at eternity. We of course continued to caution him, and our attache literally screamed at him. But he was an affable young man and took all this with good humour.
Our fears merely confirmed in him that he was making an impression, and in any case genetically he seemed to be made of a mix of blood and high octane fuel. In fact on one occasion, the car distinctly skidded and he gained control only at the last moment. This time we all threatened to get out of the car and look for some alternate transportation back. This chastened him, and the skid had made him more sober. Thereafter we proceeded uneventfully, directing a chorus of shouts at him, wherever instincts threatened to take over once again. The countryside was beautiful and picturesque.
We visited a farm. The family was most hospitable and regaled us with food and drink, especially some excellent homemade wine. We got back in time for dinner, on this last day of our stay in Sarajevo. I felt very sad at later events there, with all the killing and the suffering. Sarajevo was a beautiful and historic city with nice people. What happened later could only be explained in terms of the infinite human capacity for greed, hatred and ignorance, a capacity which we Sri Lankans are now demonstrating.
To Belgrade by car
Next day we made an early morning start at 7 a.m. We had previously taken leave of our conscientious lady attache. “We shall leave Sarajevo tomorrow” we had told her the previous evening. We all laughed, because by now we had let her in on our joke. We were driving through from Sarajevo to Belgrade, a day’s journey. We first went to the well-known town of Mostar and saw it’s famous old bridge. We also passed Yabalinitza and saw the bridge destroyed by Tito and his partisans during World War II.
This bridge is kept in the destroyed condition as a memorial to the battle against, and the resistance to the German invaders. Mostar itself was a beautiful town, displaying Turkish influence. From here, we proceeded to Visegrod and saw another famous bridge on the river Drina, and then on to Belgrade along mountain roads, with thick fog as a companion for the last three or four hours. Visibility was very poor. But this time we had an experienced and careful driver.
From what we saw of the countryside, Bosnia appeared to be mountainous but rich in vegetation, whilst Herzegovina, was mountainous, stony and with barren and harsh soil. We got to Belgrade at midnight, the fog slowing us down, and lodged at the Hotel Yugoslavia. It was a tiring but fascinating journey, and we were glad we did not fly. We had dinner and turned in to get some sleep at about 2.00 in the morning.
In Belgrade
On November 1, we set out at 9.30 a.m. with an attache from Radio/T.V. Belgrade, and visited the war museum and the spot where the river Sava meets the Danube. Thereafter, between 11 a.m. and 1 p.m. we were engaged in discussions with the Deputy Director General Radio/T.V. Belgrade and some of his senior officials. The discussions centered amongst other matters on program collaboration, the sharing of news, etc., between the SLBC and them. We had a late lunch with our Ambassador Mr. Wijegunawardena at his residence.
In the evening, the Deputy Director General Radio/T.V. Belgrade hosted a dinner in our honour. I was aware through the newspapers that Mrs. Bandaranaike had come to Yugoslavia for her regular treatment for a bad knee. I thought I should not leave, which we were shortly to do without speaking to her. But I had a moral problem. Perhaps, a needless one. I did not want to speak to her in some clandestine fashion. I wanted the Deputy Minister to know that I was going to try to contact her and speak to her.
I therefore told him so just before the dinner. I said that having worked with her for so long, now that I knew she was here, I did not wish to leave without inquiring after her health, but I wanted to tell him that I was going to do so. Chandra Karunaratne’s response showed what a fine person he was “Of course,” he said “You must talk to her. Where is she? Why don’t you go and see her? I will also come. After all she was Prime Minister of our country.”
Then he added something very significant. He said “Dharmasiri, if I later found out that you left Yugoslavia without speaking to her, I would have developed a very low opinion of you. After all you would do the same thing to us some day.” That was Chandra Karunaratne. Many people, I know misunderstood him, because he had a direct and sometimes even an aggressive style of speaking. He hated prevarication and humbug and attacked any politician or bureaucrat whom he thought inefficient or insincere.
He was an honourable man. There was also a distant personal tie with me. He was married to Ilika the daughter of Professor C.C. de Silva, a distinguished Professor of Paediatrics who as a young doctor was present at my birth, and who was well known to my parents and my mother’s family in particular. I knew Mrs. Bandaranaike was in a place called lgalo on the Adriatic coast, and our dinner hosts succeeded in navigating the difficult Yugoslav telecommunication system and establishing a connection with the clinic at which she was staying on for treatment. She was completely surprised and very pleased when I spoke to her. We had a long conversation. She was quite interested in the broadcasting conference. I rang off with further confirmation of how resilient she was.
On our last day, the second of November, we were taken on a two and a half hour drive to Kragnjevoc where we visited a car assembly plant and the war memorial park called “Sumarice.” The park and the museum there commemorated the massacre of over 7,000 citizens, including school children by the Nazis during World War II. Visiting the place was a sad and moving experience. As accustomed, I prepared the reports of our visit later that evening and got it cleared by the Deputy Minister. This was a report meant for the Minister. It also contained a useful checklist of items to be followed up.
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris)
Features
Neutrality in the context of geopolitical rivalries
The long standing foreign policy of Sri Lanka was Non-Alignment. However, in the context of emerging geopolitical rivalries, there was a need to question the adequacy of Non-Alignment as a policy to meet developing challenges. Neutrality as being a more effective Policy was first presented in an article titled “Independence: its meaning and a direction for the future” (The Island, February 14, 2019). The switch over from Non-Alignment to Neutrality was first adopted by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and followed through by successive Governments. However, it was the current Government that did not miss an opportunity to announce that its Foreign Policy was Neutral.
The policy of Neutrality has served the interests of Sri Lanka by the principled stand taken in respect of the requests made by two belligerents associated with the Middle East War. The justification for the position adopted was conveyed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Parliament that Iran had made a formal request on February 26 for three Iranian naval ships to visit Sri Lanka, and on the same evening, the United States also requested permission for two war planes to land at Mattala International Airport. Both requests were denied on grounds of maintaining “our policy of neutrality”.
WHY NEUTRALITY
Excerpts from the article cited above that recommended Neutrality as the best option for Sri Lanka considering the vulnerability to its security presented by its geographic location in the context of emerging rivalries arising from “Pivot to Asia” are presented below:
“Traditional thinking as to how small States could cope with external pressures are supposed to be: (1) Non-alignment with any of the major centers of power; (2) Alignment with one of the major powers thus making a choice and facing the consequences of which power block prevails; (3) Bandwagoning which involves unequal exchange where the small State makes asymmetric concessions to the dominant power and accepts a subordinate role of a vassal State; (4) Hedging, which attempts to secure economic and security benefits of engagement with each power center: (5) Balancing pressures individually, or by forming alliances with other small States; (6) Neutrality”.
Of the six strategies cited above, the only strategy that permits a sovereign independent nation to charter its own destiny is neutrality, as it is with Switzerland and some Nordic countries. The independence to self-determine the destiny of a nation requires security in respect of Inviolability of Territory, Food Security, Energy Security etc. Of these, the most critical of securities is the Inviolability of Territory. Consequently, Neutrality has more relevance to protect Territorial Security because it is based on International Law, as opposed to Non-Alignment which is based on principles applicable to specific countries that pledged to abide by them
“The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977” (ICRC Publication on Neutrality, 2022).
As part of its Duties a Neutral State “must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral State defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral State must treat the opposing belligerent States impartially. However, impartiality does not mean that a State is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination” (Ibid).
“It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral State is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality” (Ibid).
THE POTENTIAL of NEUTRALITY
It is apparent from the foregoing that Neutrality as a Policy is not “Passive” as some misguided claim Neutrality to be. On the other hand, it could be dynamic to the extent a country chooses to be as demonstrated by the actions taken recently to address the challenges presented during the ongoing Middle East War. Furthermore, Neutrality does not prevent Sri Lanka from engaging in Commercial activities with other States to ensuring Food and Energy security.
If such arrangements are undertaken on the basis of unsolicited offers as it was, for instance, with Japan’s Light Rail Project or Sinopec’s 200,000 Barrels a Day Refinery, principles of Neutrality would be violated because it violates the cardinal principle of Neutrality, namely, impartiality. The proposal to set up an Energy Complex in Trincomalee with India and UAE would be no different because it restricts the opportunity to one defined Party, thus defying impartiality. On the other hand, if Sri Lanka defines the scope of the Project and calls for Expressions of Interest and impartially chooses the most favourable with transparency, principles of Neutrality would be intact. More importantly, such conduct would attract the confidence of Investors to engage in ventures impartial in a principled manner. Such an approach would amount to continue the momentum of the professional approach adopted to meet the challenges of the Middle East War.
CONCLUSION
The manner in which Sri Lanka acted, first to deny access to the territory of Sri Lanka followed up by the humanitarian measures adopted to save the survivors of the torpedoed ship, earned honour and respect for the principled approach adopted to protect territorial inviolability based on International provisions of Neutrality.
If Sri Lanka continues with the momentum gained and adopts impartial and principled measures recommended above to develop the country and the wellbeing of its Peoples, based on self-reliance, this Government would be giving Sri Lanka a new direction and a fresh meaning to Neutrality that is not passive but dynamic.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Lest we forget
The interference into affairs of other nations by the USA’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started in 1953, six years after it was established. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company supplied Britain with most of its oil during World War I. In fact, Winston Churchill once declared: “Fortune brought us a prize from fairyland beyond our wildest dreams.”
When in 1951 Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh was reluctantly appointed as Prime Minister by the Shah of Iran, whose role was mostly ceremonial, he convinced Parliament that the oil company should be nationalised.
Mohammed Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh said: “Our long years of negotiations with foreign companies have yielded no result thus far. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget and combat poverty, disease and backwardness of our people.”
It was then that British Intelligence requested help from the CIA to bring down the Iranian regime by infiltrating their communist mobs and the army, thus creating disorder. An Iranian oil embargo by the western countries was imposed, making Iranians poorer by the day. Meanwhile, the CIA’s strings were being pulled by Kermit Roosevelt (a grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt), according to declassified intelligence information.
Although a first coup failed, the second attempt was successful. General Fazlollah Zahedi, an Army officer, took over as Prime Minister. Mosaddegh was tried and imprisoned for three years and kept under house arrest until his death. Playing an important role in the 1953 coup was a Shia cleric named Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Mostafavi-Kashani. He was previously loyal to Mosaddegh, but later supported the coup. One of his successors was Ayatollah Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi Khomeini, who engineered the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Meanwhile, in 1954 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had been rebranded as British Petroleum (BP).
Map of the Middle East
When the Iran-Iraq war broke out (September 1980 to August 1988), the Persian/Arabian Gulf became a hive of activity for American warships, which were there to ensure security of the Gulf and supertankers passing through it.
The Strait of Hormuz, the only way in and out of the Gulf, is administered by Oman and Iran. While there may have been British and French warships in the region, radio ‘chatter’ heard by aircraft pilots overhead was always from the US ships. In those days, flying in and out of the Gulf was a nerve-wracking experience for airline pilots, as one may suddenly hear a radio call on the common frequency: “Aircraft approaching US warship [name], identify yourself.” One thing in the pilots’ favour was that they didn’t know what ships they were flying over, so they obeyed only the designated air traffic controller. Sometimes though, with unnecessarily distracting American chatter, there was complete chaos, resulting in mistaken identities.
Air Lanka Tri Star
Once, Air Lanka pilots monitored an aircraft approaching Bahrain being given a heading to turn on to by a ship’s radio operator. Promptly the air traffic controller, who was on the same frequency, butted in and said: “Disregard! Ship USS Navy [name], do you realise what you have just done? You have turned him on to another aircraft!” It was obvious that there was a struggle to maintain air traffic control in the Gulf, with operators having to contend with American arrogance.
On the night of May 17, 1987, USS Stark was cruising in Gulf waters when it was attacked by a Dassault Mirage F1 jet fighter/attack aircraft of the Iraqi Air Force. Without identifying itself, the aircraft fired two Exocet missiles, one of which exploded, killing 37 sailors on board the American frigate. Iraq apologised, saying it was a mistake. The USA graciously accepted the apology.
Then on July 3, 1988 the high-tech, billion-dollar guided missile cruiser USS Vincennes, equipped with advanced Aegis weapons systems and commanded by Capt. Will Rogers III, was chasing two small Iranian gun boats back to their own waters when an aircraft was observed on radar approaching the US warship. It was misidentified as a Mirage F1 fighter, so the Americans, in Iranian territorial waters, fired two surface-to-air Missiles (SAMs) at the target, which was summarily destroyed.
The Vincennes had issued numerous warnings to the approaching aircraft on the military distress frequency. But the aircraft never heard them as it was listening out on a different (civil) radio frequency. The airplane broke in three. It was soon discovered, however, that the airplane was in fact an Iran Air Airbus A300 airliner with 290 civilian passengers on board, en route from Bandar Abbas to Dubai. Unfortunately, because it was a clear day, the Iranian-born, US-educated captain of Iran Air Flight 655 had switched off the weather radar. If it was on, perhaps it would have confirmed to the American ship that the ‘incoming’ was in fact a civil aircraft. At the time, Capt. Will Rogers’ surface commander, Capt. McKenna, went on record saying that USS Vincennes was “looking for action”, and that is why they “got into trouble”.
Although USS Vincennes was given a grand homecoming upon returning to the USA, and its Captain Will Rogers III decorated with the Legion of Merrit, in February 1996 the American government agreed to pay Iran US$131.8 million in settlement of a case lodged by the Iranians in the International Court of Justice against the USA for its role in that incident. However, no apology was tendered to the families of the innocent victims.
These two incidents forced Air Lanka pilots, who operated regularly in those perilous skies, to adopt extra precautionary measures. For example, they never switched off the weather radar system, even in clear skies. While there were potentially hostile ships on ground, layers of altitude were blocked off for the exclusive use of US Air Force AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) aircraft flying in Bahraini and southern Saudi Arabian airspace. The precautions were even more important because Air Lanka’s westbound, ‘heavy’ Lockheed TriStars were poor climbers above 29,000 ft. When departing Oman or the UAE in high ambient temperatures, it was a struggle to reach cruising level by the time the airplane was overhead Bahrain, as per the requirement.
In the aftermath of the Iran Air 655 incident, Newsweek magazine called it a case of ‘mistaken identity’. Yet, when summing up the tragic incident that occurred on September 1, 1983, when Korean Air Flight KE/KAL 007 was shot down by a Russian fighter jet, close to Sakhalin Island in the Pacific Ocean during a flight from New York to Seoul, the same magazine labelled it ‘murder in the air’.
After the Iranian coup, which was not coincidentally during the time of the ‘Cold War’, the CIA involved itself in the internal affairs of numerous countries and regions around the world: Guatemala (1953-1990s); Costa Rica (1955, 1970-1971); Middle East (1956-1958); Haiti (1959); Western Europe (1950s to 1960s); British Guiana/Guyana (1953-1964); Iraq (1958-1963); Soviet Union, Vietnam, Cambodia (1955-1973); Laos, Thailand, Ecuador (1960-1963); The Congo (1960-1965, 1977-1978); French Algeria (1960s); Brazil (1961-1964); Peru (1965); Dominican Republic (1963-1965); Cuba (1959 to present); Indonesia (1965); Ghana (1966); Uruguay (1969-1972); Chile (1964-1973); Greece (1967-1974); South Africa (1960s to 1980s); Bolivia (1964-1975); Australia (1972-1975); Iraq (1972-1975); Portugal (1974-1976); East Timor (1975-1999); Angola (1975-1980); Jamaica (1976); Honduras (1980s); Nicaragua (1979-1990); Philippines (1970s to 1990s); Seychelles (1979-1981); Diego Garcia (late 1960s to present); South Yemen (1979-1984); South Korea (1980); Chad (1981-1982); Grenada (1979-1983); Suriname (1982-1984); Libya (1981-1989); Fiji (1987); Panama (1989); Afghanistan (1979-1992); El Salvador (1980-1992); Haiti (1987-1994, 2004); Bulgaria (1990-1991); Albania (1991-1992); Somalia (1993); Iraq (1991-2003; 2003 to present), Colombia (1990s to present); Yugoslavia (1995-1995, and to 1999); Ecuador (2000); Afghanistan (2001 to present); Venezuela (2001-2004; and 2025).
If one searches the internet for information on American involvement in foreign countries during the periods listed above, it will be seen how ‘black’ funds were/are used by the CIA to destabilise those governments for the benefit of a few with vested interests, while poor citizens must live in the chaos and uncertainty thus created.
A popular saying goes: “Each man has his price”. Sad, isn’t it? Arguably the world’s only superpower that professes to be a ‘paragon of virtue’ often goes ‘rogue’.
God Bless America – and no one else!
BY GUWAN SEEYA
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
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