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Amunugama and the Duraiswamy brothers: Rebuttal

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At the reception in 1972 to Yogendra Duraiswamy, third from the left, by the Ambassador of the Philippines to Sri Lanka, at the far right. Rajendra is fourth from the left. Yogendra was to soon leave for the Philippines as head of the Sri Lankan Embassy there.

By Ranga Chandrarathne

This is a rejoinder to the extract of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography published in the Sunday Island on April 9, 2023 under the header “Violence in Jaffna and my departure from Government Service”. If the piece is any indication of the rest of his book, it reflects rather poorly on the written skills of Amunugama . He lacked attention to detail, failed to do a simple fact check and was inaccurate. This does not reflect well on the man as a writer.

I would like to focus on Amunugama’s flippant dismissal of two Tamil administrators i.e., Yogendra Duraiswamy and his elder brother Duraiswamy Rajendra. I had researched and written on some of this earlier.Amunugama derides Yogendra Duraiswamy as “inflexible” and “inefficient”, who he alleges “alienated the Jaffna public with his haughty diplomatic airs.”

Yogendra Duraiswamy in his two years as District Secretary for Jaffna, which then included Kilionchchi, had done commendable work between 1979 and 1981. He introduced bus services in remote parts of the district, increased the frequency of mechanized boat transport services to the outlying islands, developed the integrated rural development plan, supported cottage industries and dairy schemes, launched housing schemes in consultation with Premadasa, helped improve roads, upgraded telecommunications to enable direct dialing to better link Jaffna with the world, facilitated the installation of an Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) Transmitting Center to strengthen the radio bandwidth of SLBC in the peninsula, initiated a biogas scheme back in 1979, resumed construction of the Mahadeva Causeway and introduced in 1979 the then innovative concept of the mobile Kachcheri or district secretariat where he took administration to the people. I can give many other examples of pioneering development work as witnessed in the full use of the decentralized budget that had not been fully expended before. I leave it to the reader to decide whether Yogendra was “inefficient”. There is a hubris in the writings of Amunugama.

Now to the charge of Yogendra Duraiswamy being “inflexible”. The ill-fated elections to the Jaffna District Development Councils took place on June 4, 1981, elections that many would agree were rigged. Yogendra as the Returning Officer for the district stood up to President Jayewardene, both with regards to the last minute instructions from Colombo to change the presiding officers at the polling booths and to the formal announcement of the elections results given the widespread booth capture and the stuffing of ballot boxes that had occurred. The Secretary, Ministry of Defense, under Emergency Regulations, and the Elections Commissioner both overruled Yogendra Duraiswamy. He tendered his resignation soon thereafter.

I once again leave it to the reader to decide whether Yogendra who stood up to authority can be characterized as “inflexible”. I would say that he had integrity and was fearless, characteristics I would wish more administrators, including Amunugama had. As to whether Yogendra alienated the Jaffna public, Amunugama fails to provide the evidence. When the Jaffna Public Library was set on fire earlier on May 31, 1981, Yogendra was perhaps one of three or four who were physically present on the scene trying to douse the flames without success. The saber rattling Tamil politicians were nowhere to be seen. Yogendra was fearless in that environment of lawlessness trying to get the municipal bower and then the naval bowser to douse the flames to no avail.

Now to Duraiswamy Rajendra. Once again, Amunugama has failed to do a simple fact check. He is inaccurate and defamatory. Amunugama alleges that Rajendra had argued with an Indian soldier in Jaffna, was summarily shot dead and that no Tamil parliamentarian had attended his funeral. This is false. Let me state the facts.

Duraiswamy Rajendra lived in Jaffna on Clock Tower Road, now known as Mahatma Gandhi Road. The Indian army had instructed residents to move out of the area given hostilities. His wife and he drove to Nallur on Deepavali Day i.e., on October 21, 1987. Rajendra dropped his wife at her parent’s house and a few hours later returned to Jaffna for reasons not quite known.

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had opened fire on Indian positions from within the Jaffna General Hospital nearby. The Indian army reportedly withdrew to the Jaffna Fort. They reportedly returned later down the Clock Tower Road on a mopping operation, allegedly killing everyone in sight. Rajendra along with many other civilians had sought refuge in the Jaffna General Hospital. Between 60 to 70 civilians were reportedly killed in the hospital.

The bodies of the dead were then burned on rubber tires by the Indians to avoid an inquest. Rajendra had no funeral. The issue of a “cantankerous” Rajendra getting into an “argument with an Indian jawan”, being shot dead and then having a funeral that was boycotted by Tamil politicians is false. Amunugama should verify before he writes. I also refer the reader to the accounts of Colonel Hariharan of the Indian Army who had covered the same incident, including the death of Rajendra.

Amunugama adds that the Duraiswamy Rajendra was resented by the Tamil professionals in the SLBC, earlier known as Radio Ceylon. He needs to provide the evidence before making blanket allegations. Rajendra had retired as Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration, Local Government and Home Affairs in the 1970s under Felix Dias Bandaranaike. He was later made a Director at the SLBC. The late Mrs. Ponmani Kulasingham who was in charge of the Tamil division was a loyal and trusted employee who had the highest respect for Rajendra’s methodic overview, his tact and diplomacy. Mr. Mathialagan, also in the Tamil service, had similar high regard for Rajendra. While I am not privy to the dynamics within the SLBC, it is entirely possible that Rajendra, a stickler for what is proper and had refused to kowtow to the diktats of Amunugama. Rajendra stood up to Amunugama and this led to friction.

Now to the Sri Lanka Administrative Service officer Lionel Fernando that Amunugama praises. The Thinapathi newspaper announced in 1979 that President Jayewardene was to appoint Yogendra Duraiswamy, a retired diplomat, as District Secretary for Jaffna and Kilinochchi. Jayewardene had perhaps intended to explore a developmentalist alternative to the politics of separatism in 1979. Amirthalingam and Yogeswaran, erstwhile leaders of the TULF, instinctively viewed Yogendra as a threat.

They immediately mobilized the party machinery to vigorously lobby for the continuation of the then GA Lionel Fernando. The participation of TULF cadre at the funeral of Lionel’s mother needs to be viewed in that light. Lionel Fernando, irrespective of his merits, found himself the unasked for recipient of the TULF’s largess that was more directed to prevent Yogendra Duraiswamy from becoming District Secretary. The TULF invective continued to the end of Yogendra’s term as witnessed in the parliamentary Hansard documentation between 1979 and 1981.

Amunugama of course misses the nuance as he makes scurrilous and unsubstantiated allegations.

Ranga Chandrarathne has contributed articles on a wide range of subjects including Business, Economics, Finance, Politics, Literature, Music, Cinema, Theatre, Culture and Religion for both Sri Lankan and International publications and holds a MBA.



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Features

US’ anti-migrant stance set to intensify tensions in Western camp

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Migrant boats land on Western beaches. Credit: PA

The announcement by the US authorities of an anti-migrant stance during a recent commemoration in France of the epochal D-Day Landings of June 6, 1944, ought to strike impartial observers as a supreme irony. Whereas what should have been expected was a vibrant celebration of the beginning of the process of Western Europe freeing itself decisively from Nazi or fascist control during the crucial stages of World War Two, this was not to be.

What the world heard instead was a call to contemporary Western Europe to arm itself against a seemingly rising and threatening migrant presence in the region. In other words, the migrant must be despised and ‘shown the door’.

Instead of a commemoration that rejoiced in the flourishing of liberal democracy and its values what one got was a strong affirmation of fascism and racial chauvinism. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vented his spleen against the migrant or foreigner presence in Europe reportedly thus: ‘Sadly today different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies.’ To ‘beaches in Spain and Italy and Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion?’

While at the outbreak of World War Two it was Nazi Germany that was doing the invading and bringing some principal European countries under its suzerainty, this time around we are being given to understand that it’s migrants to the West who are seeking to colonize the latter. It goes without saying that such inflammatory rhetoric would have the deleterious effect of keeping racial tensions alive in the West and jeopardize all possibilities of the countries concerned cementing and maintaining social stability.

The Trump administration gives the impression of taking a leaf from the politically underdeveloped regions of the South to keep the US polity stable and united. In South Asia, for instance, we are not short of ambitious demagogues who use what is referred to as the ‘race card’ to gather unto themselves a following and thereby further their political fortunes. By seeking to stir and sustain anti-migrant hysteria, the Trump administration is also essentially replicating Nazi Germany’s policy of anti-Semitism. That is, fascism is very much alive in the US under President Trump.

Such efforts at churning racial hysteria at this juncture in the US should not come as a surprise. For all intents and purposes, the Trump administration is nowhere near achieving its aims in West Asia, for instance, in the short term. It has failed to bring Iran down to its knees, as it hoped to do, but is adopting the expedient of keeping the world guessing and confused on what it is doing in the region, since it cannot withdraw from the theatre in a hurry without losing face.

While perhaps working out an escape strategy the Trump administration it seems, is hoping to maintain its following at home intact and silent by playing on their racial biases and insecurities. Hence, the anti-foreigner campaign.

Simultaneously, the Trump administration will need to keep a close eye on how economic pressures on the domestic front are panning out. Anti-administration sentiments first break to the surface at meal tables. On this score, the news cannot be good because the average US family’s spending power ought to be shrinking on account of rising energy and oil prices. Consequently, it would not be a bad idea to keep the attention of the US consumer diverted by adeptly playing ‘the race card’; once again, lessons from intellectually bankrupt Southern politicians are coming in handy.

To be sure such comparisons many politicians in vibrantly democratic countries would find quite unflattering. But the stark truth is that racism cannot be tolerated in civilized societies and those politicians who resort to it risk being branded as racists of the first degree. In fact they could be seen as being on par with the likes of German dictator Adolph Hitler and his close collaborators.

However, on the question of migrant policy the Trump administration would likely be at polar opposites with the most vibrant of liberal democracies of the West. This will be the case with the UK, France and Italy for instance. The latter continue to keep their doors open to legal migrants and they are likely to view a virtual blanket ban on migrants as reprehensible.

Moreover, in the foremost democracies of the West debates are vibrantly ongoing on the need to keep racism or any hint of it completely outlawed in the public plane. There is the case of the UK, for instance, where the authorities continue to emphatically pinpoint their adherence to the principle of anti-racism in the conduct of public affairs.

One proof of the above was the parliamentary debate relating to the killing of 18-year-old Henry Nowak in Southampton. Police handling of the victim came in for sharp scrutiny by particularly the opposition in the House of Commons but there seemed to be a consensus over the main political divide that the matter should not be politicized.

Moreover, the UK authorities stressed in the House the government’s strict adherence to the policy of non-racism. It was also pointed out that British institutions set up to manage racism at the national, county and neighbourhood levels, for example, were very much intact. In fact, Sri Lanka could gain considerably by studying and implementing locally, legislation modeled on the relevant UK laws if it is in earnest when it speaks of ‘reconciliation’.

Accordingly, it is highly unlikely that Western Europe would ‘cave in’, so to speak, to US pressure on issues related to migration. The liberal democracies of Western Europe in particular would remain for the foreseeable future migrant-welcoming, multi-ethnic and plural democracies.

Nor is it likely that Western Europe would be passively receptive to US demands that it drastically increases its defense spending to meet the latter’s aims. Within the Western fold the EU is remaining committed to backing Ukraine, for instance, in its ongoing armed resistance to the Russian invasion and it is not giving any indication of being deferent to US pressure.

However, although tensions would continue to bristle within US-Western Europe relations on the above and numerous other matters of contention it would be far too premature to announce a parting of company between the two sections of the West. In that sense, the post-World War Two order remains essentially intact. There are still many things in common between the two, particular on the economic plane, that will ensure the continuance of the partnership.

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A decade among Yala’s ghosts of gold

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YM75 "James" surveys his territory from a tree-top vantage point, demonstrating the leopard's commanding presence in the landscape.

The first rays of dawn creep over the ancient rocks of Yala. The Indian Ocean glimmers in the distance, and the wilderness slowly awakens. Somewhere amid the scrub jungle, a pair of amber eyes scans the landscape.

For wildlife conservationist and leopard researcher Milinda Wattegedara, moments such as these have defined more than a decade of dedication to one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic creatures—the Sri Lankan leopard.

What began as fascination evolved into a remarkable conservation journey that has transformed the understanding of Yala’s leopard population and placed Sri Lanka firmly on the global wildlife research map.

“Long before I ever lifted a camera, leopards had already captured my imagination,” says Wattegedara. “What fascinated me was not merely their beauty but the complexity of their lives—their hunting strategies, movements, reproductive behaviour and their remarkable ability to adapt to changing environments.”

That fascination led to the birth of the Yala Leopard Diary in 2013, an ambitious long-term project dedicated to documenting individual leopards and unraveling the mysteries surrounding their lives.

For many visitors, a leopard sighting is a fleeting thrill. For Wattegedara and his team, every encounter is a chapter in an ongoing scientific story.

“Each photograph was never the end of an encounter,” he explains. “It was the beginning of deeper questions. How did a particular leopard use the landscape? How did its behaviour change with the seasons? What environmental pressures shaped its decisions?”

These questions drove years of meticulous fieldwork. Every sighting was carefully recorded with details including location, habitat, behaviour, date and time. Photographs were analysed to identify individual animals through unique spot patterns, allowing researchers to distinguish one leopard from another with remarkable accuracy.

What followed was groundbreaking.

YF77 “Shelly” pauses in quiet observation, embodying the alertness
and grace that define Yala’s leopard population.

From 2013 to 2026, the Yala Leopard Diary identified an astonishing 189 individual leopards within the Yala Block 1. The research revealed a leopard density of approximately 0.524 leopards per square kilometre, making Yala one of the highest leopard-density landscapes ever recorded anywhere in the world.

Such findings have elevated Yala’s status among global wildlife researchers.

Nestled between the Indian Ocean and a mosaic of habitats, ranging from rocky outcrops to dense scrub forests, Yala offers an ecological stage unlike any other.

Here, leopards are photographed silhouetted against ocean horizons, perched atop ancient granite formations, resting on tree branches and stalking prey across sunlit grasslands.

The images tell stories of extraordinary lives.

There is Haminee, a devoted mother navigating the challenges of raising cubs in a competitive landscape. There is Lucas, one of Yala’s most frequently documented males, striding confidently across the Gonalabba Plains with the vast ocean forming an unforgettable backdrop.

There is Ruki demonstrating the species’ incredible strength by hoisting prey onto branches, and Shelly, quietly surveying her surroundings in a moment of feline vigilance.

Together, these individuals have become familiar characters in a living wilderness drama.

YM31 “Ruki” secures prey on a branch, illustrating the remarkable strength and coordination of the Sri Lankan leopard.

Recognising the immense value of long-term documentation, Wattegedara joined forces with fellow researchers Dushyantha Silva, Raveendra Siriwardana and Mevan Piyasena to establish the Yala Leopard Centre in 2020.

Located at the Palatupana entrance to the Yala National Park, the centre is believed to be the world’s first information facility dedicated exclusively to leopards.

“The centre serves as a repository of knowledge, accumulated through years of observation and research,” Wattegedara says. “Our goal is to connect visitors with the science behind conservation and foster a deeper appreciation of these magnificent animals.”

The project’s impact extends far beyond Sri Lanka’s borders.

Research arising from the Yala Leopard Diary has been published in internationally recognised scientific journals. One study introduced an innovative framework for identifying individual leopards, while another documented an extraordinary and previously unrecorded case of a leopard cub being consecutively adopted by two different adult females—first a relative and later an unrelated leopardess.

The discovery attracted international scientific attention and highlighted the complexity of leopard social behaviour.

Yet for Wattegedara, the most important lesson remains one of humility.

“One conclusion has become increasingly clear,” he reflects. “Our understanding of these leopards remains far from complete. We are only beginning to understand how they live, adapt and persist in one of Sri Lanka’s most dynamic protected landscapes.”

YF15 “Hope” descends Rukvila Rock at dawn, showcasing the agility and adaptability of Yala’s leopards.

His words underscore an essential conservation truth: the more we learn about nature, the more mysteries emerge.

As Sri Lanka navigates growing environmental challenges, the Yala Leopard Diary stands as a shining example of what sustained observation, scientific curiosity and public engagement can achieve.

Beyond the stunning photographs and remarkable sightings lies something even more valuable—a growing body of knowledge capable of informing future conservation decisions and ensuring that future generations inherit a wilderness where leopards continue to roam free.

For more than a decade, Wattegedara and his colleagues have followed the tracks of Yala’s elusive predators through dust, rain and scorching heat.

Their work has revealed that every leopard has a story, every sighting has significance and every photograph can contribute to conservation.

And perhaps, most importantly, it has reminded us that the golden ghosts of Yala still have many secrets left to share.

By Ifham Nizam

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Glamour, music and community spirit …

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Sri Lankans are quite active, all around the globe.

News has just come my way, from Glasgow, in Scotland, where the glamour of masks, music, dancing, and community spirit, came together, in spectacular fashion, at Masquerade Night, bringing together members of the Sri Lankan community for an evening filled with music, fashion, food and entertainment.

Organised by Mahesh Balaaratchi (DJ Mowgli) together with Sulochana Asmone, Hiroshini, Prasad, Ashi, and Shawn, the evening provided guests with an opportunity to socialise, enjoy live entertainment, and celebrate in a unique and elegant setting.

Guests arrived from 6:00 pm, dressed in formal attire and decorative masks, creating a colourful and vibrant atmosphere throughout the venue.

DJ Mowgli: The main
organiser of
Masquerade Night

There was a delicious selection of Sri Lankan cuisine and street food, which proved popular throughout the evening.

The buffet offered a variety of traditional favourites, giving attendees a taste of home while adding to the festive atmosphere.

Entertainment was provided by DJ Mowgli, whose performance kept the audience engaged throughout the night. His playlist featured a mixture of popular favourites, dance classics, and cultural music, remixed for a younger generation.

One of the highlights of the evening was the Baila session, which brought a distinctly Sri Lankan flavour to the event.

The Baila segment highlighted the importance of preserving and celebrating cultural traditions, while bringing people together through music and dance.

As familiar rhythms filled the room, guests enthusiastically took to the dance floor, creating one of the most memorable moments of the night.

The crowd was described as lively, energetic, and welcoming, with attendees embracing the spirit of the masquerade theme while enjoying the opportunity to reconnect with friends and meet new people. The family-friendly atmosphere ensured that guests of all ages could take part in the celebrations.

The festivities continued until midnight and included a range of competitions and entertainment.

Children and adults alike participated in fashion shows, while guests competed for awards in several ‘Best Dressed’ categories.

The creativity and effort displayed in both costumes and formal wear added an extra layer of excitement to the evening.

As the final songs played and guests prepared to leave, many were already looking forward to the next Event Night.

The evening’s proceedings were handled by Sam, Mahela and Isuru.

Their enthusiasm reflected the growing popularity of these gatherings and their increasing importance, within the local community calendar.

A series of community events has continued to grow in popularity among the Sri Lankans in Glasgow, with Halloween Night coming up on 31st October.

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