Features
Amirthalingam & SWRD: Two Sides Of The Same Coin
Unleashed the same result
By Vishwamithra
Appapillai Amirthalingam
Many a book, many a sermon and many a demonstration has been written, pontificated and staged by the forces of the two sociopolitical extremes in Ceylon. They claimed to have represented the true meaning of patriotism and devotion to their racial sect. In actual fact, it was a tribal mindset that was released by man’s primordial instincts. Religion and ethnicity, time and time again, played their respective demonic role and turned once-a-cohesive society into one more divided, a country more tortured and a dual mindset more perturbed.
The Southern Appuhamy and Northern Natarajah have continued to suspect each other more than ever before. Each segment has cornered itself into a ‘comfort zone’ from which any exit to the outside world is not even pondered upon. Sinhalese, well entrenched by their religious leaders, Buddhist monks, and Tamils by their political and militant leaders.
How did this happen? How did such a peaceful people who lived under the colonial powers, Portuguese, Dutch and British, as one single nation, as one single people, resort to the most inhuman and dastardly unimaginable treatment on the other community. Adults were murdered, hacked and burnt to death while children were dashed on the ground and their mothers raped in front of her children’s eyes.
All these macabre executions were done in public for any bystander to behold; the perpetrators seemed to have enjoyed every second of their temporary indulgences. Men of both communities were totally intoxicated, not necessarily by alcohol or any other drug but by their own beliefs in a fake superiority over the other community. They cloaked their acts in pseudo-nationalism or fake patriotism. Any person who had the courage and bravado to interfere met with the same ferocity and fury of that phony patriotism.
When one attempts to trace the origins of this unfortunate and cruel fissure between the two communities, one would see 1956 for Sinhalese Buddhists and 1976 for Tamils as somewhat decisive and game-changing years.
For Sinhalese Buddhists, specifically the average not-so-privileged class, 1956 was the year in which their ‘place in the sun’ was assured. Albeit Independence was ‘won’ from British colonialism in 1948, thanks to the intense propaganda spearheaded by the left-wing parities such as the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party (CP), that Independence was merely a luxury state of affairs passed on by the British masters to the local rich and super rich class who inherited massive wealth from their parental bequeaths and consequential education abroad of Oxfordian kind.
Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike was one of them. Born to a wealthy, political family, he studied philosophy, politics, and economics at Christ Church, Oxford, and was called to the bar at the Inner Temple. Returning to Ceylon, he entered local politics by joining the Ceylon National Congress. Having been elected to the Colombo Municipal Council in 1926, he was elected from his family seat in Veyangoda to the State Council of Ceylon for two consecutive terms between 1931 and 1947, while serving in the second term as Minister of Local Administration in the Board of Ministers. Having founded the Sinhala Maha Sabha in 1936 on Sinhalese nationalist lines advocating for self-rule in Ceylon, he joined D S Senanayake by dissolving the Sinhala Maha Sabha and merging it with the United National Party (UNP) at its formation in 1947.
Bandaranaike was known to be a very crafty politician whose leadership was defined in reversible terms. Instead of spearheading a well disciplined crowd of men and women and leading them to a set goal along a prescribed set of national policies based on ideological grounds, he was one who identified where the followers are and led that crowd where the crowd wanted to go. Being a creation of such a mob-oriented local political stream, Bandaranaike introduced one of the most destructive political forces in the country.
‘The common man’ in 1956 was more of a slogan rather than an outcome of an empathetic feel SWRD had for the common man. He was more entrenched in his own reflection for the betterment of his own political aims. The political stream that consisted of ‘the common man‘ and the so-called ‘pancha maha balavegaya’ (five-pronged movement) was introduced which was socially destructive and divisive, economically unsustainable and morally bankrupt.
Yet he managed to draft a pact with the then Federal Party led by SJV Chelvanayakam whose enigmatic charisma continued to grow among Tamils both Northern and Eastern regions in Ceylon. Chelva, as he was fondly called, however, operated within the strict confines of non-violence. The Satyagraha campaigns organized by Chelva’s Federal Party did not bring any comfort to Tamils in the country, especially whose lives were limited to the Northern part beyond Vavuniya.
Successive governments headed by Sinhalese politicians failed to pay any attention to the hardships, both financial and cultural, suffered by Northern people. The gross negligence of Sinhalese politicians was palpable. Having failed to introduce the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact in 1957 and Dudley-Chelvanayakam pact in 1966, our leaders of yesteryear punted the ball instead of running with it and scoring a touchdown!
It was into this disappointing scenario a young lad from Pannakam near Vaddukodai in Northern province of Ceylon entered into Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (Federal Party) in 1949 and became its You Front leader. His name was Appapillai Amirthalingam. In the year 1976, exactly after twenty years from the rise of Bandaranaike, Amirthalingam had become the Leader of the Opposition and the Federal Party had become the main partner of the Tamil United Liberation Front.
Even though Chelvanayakam was relatively a passive opponent, Amirthalingam had become more assertive and close to be militant in his approach to gaining concessions from any central government led by Sinhalese Buddhists. In 1972 the ITAK, ACTC (All Ceylon Tamil Congress) and others formed the Tamil United Front later renamed Tamil United Liberation Front. Amirthalingam was delivering leaflets along with other leading Tamil politicians such as M. Sivasithamparam, V. N. Navaratnam, K P Ratnam and K. Thurairatnam in 1976 when they were all arrested on government orders.
Sivasithamparam was released but the others were taken to Colombo and tried for sedition. All the defendants were acquitted after a famous Trial-at-Bar case in which 72 Tamil lawyers including SJ.V Chelvanayakam and G. G. Ponnambalam appeared for the defense. S.J.V Chelvanayakam, leader of the TULF and ITAK, died in April 1977. Amirthalingam took on the leadership of both organizations.
It was in 1975, one year before the TULF was formed, that Alfred Durraiappah, the Mayor of Jaffna, was murdered in broad daylight, presumably by a young man named Velupillai Prabhakaran. Amirthalingam’s sympathies were always with the youth in Jaffna and he clandestinely helped the militant organizations and was alleged to have been supplying both moral and financial support to the youth organizations in the peninsula. In other words, he did unleash a hitherto concealed political force in the North.
But he did not know that he himself with Yogeswaran, Jaffna MP, would become victims at the end of these youth’s guns.
In an effort to bring about unity amongst the Tamils, Yogeswaran made contact with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) and met with them several times. He arranged a meeting between the Tamil Tigers and the TULF leaders at their Bullers Road residence. On the evening of July 13, 1989 three men, Peter Aloysius Leon (Vigna), Rasiah Aravindarajah (Visu) and Sivakumar (Arivu), arrived at the residence.
Aloysius and Visu went inside the house whilst Sivakumar remained outside. The two men met with Yogeswaran, Amirthalingam and Sivasithamparam in Yogeswaran’s apartment on the first floor. The meeting seemed to be going well when suddenly Visu pulled out a gun and shot Amirthalingam in the head and chest. Yogeswaran stood up but was shot by Aloysius and Visu. At the behest of Prabhakaran, the leadership of the TULF was eliminated.
Amirthalingam, of course, had not learnt a lesson from the Bandaranaike playbook. If one were to play tough man with militant organizations, one had to take immense precaution as to how far one could go with such organizations, terrorist or otherwise. It’s so hard to keep control of what is going to develop along the way. Instead of you controlling the momentum, the very momentum would ultimately control you. That is the sad story one has to learn from such flirtations with terrorist organizations.
Bandaranaike in 1956 never understood the power of the Pancha Maha Balavegaya and ‘the common man’. When the leadership of the Pancha Maha Balavegaya was in the hands of some thugs in saffron whose ideal is not so much consistent with that of the common man, inexperienced and self-centered men, what entails would be far too unpalatable to societal development. Bandaranaike’s pronounced ideals may have had a novel and daring appeal to the common man, but its romanticist journey will unfailingly lead to social stagnation and political instability.
As much as SWRD Bandaranaike did not learn the harder lessons of politics, neither did Amirthalingam. Both were sides of the same coin.
(This article first appeared in the Colombo Telegraph. Reproduced with the author’s permission)
Features
The challenge of being positive about SAARC
It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.
Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.
However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?
There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.
The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.
Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.
Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.
The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.
On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.
In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.
Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.
Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.
The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.
These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.
Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.
There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.
However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.
Features
OPA seminar examines Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and growth pathways
A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.
The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.
The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.
In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.
Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.
While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.
He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.
Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.
Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.
The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.
Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.
Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.
The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.
Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.
Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.
He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.
Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.
Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.
Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.
Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.
He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.
The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.
The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.
The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.
Features
Her roots run deep in Sri Lanka
Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.
“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”
Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.
She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.
“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”
Of course, music has taken her far.
One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.
She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.
Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.
Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.
Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”
Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.
“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”
However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.
Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.
“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.
“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”
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