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Amirthalingam & SWRD: Two Sides Of The Same Coin

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Unleashed the same result

By Vishwamithra

Appapillai Amirthalingam

Many a book, many a sermon and many a demonstration has been written, pontificated and staged by the forces of the two sociopolitical extremes in Ceylon. They claimed to have represented the true meaning of patriotism and devotion to their racial sect. In actual fact, it was a tribal mindset that was released by man’s primordial instincts. Religion and ethnicity, time and time again, played their respective demonic role and turned once-a-cohesive society into one more divided, a country more tortured and a dual mindset more perturbed.

The Southern Appuhamy and Northern Natarajah have continued to suspect each other more than ever before. Each segment has cornered itself into a ‘comfort zone’ from which any exit to the outside world is not even pondered upon. Sinhalese, well entrenched by their religious leaders, Buddhist monks, and Tamils by their political and militant leaders.

How did this happen? How did such a peaceful people who lived under the colonial powers, Portuguese, Dutch and British, as one single nation, as one single people, resort to the most inhuman and dastardly unimaginable treatment on the other community. Adults were murdered, hacked and burnt to death while children were dashed on the ground and their mothers raped in front of her children’s eyes.

All these macabre executions were done in public for any bystander to behold; the perpetrators seemed to have enjoyed every second of their temporary indulgences. Men of both communities were totally intoxicated, not necessarily by alcohol or any other drug but by their own beliefs in a fake superiority over the other community. They cloaked their acts in pseudo-nationalism or fake patriotism. Any person who had the courage and bravado to interfere met with the same ferocity and fury of that phony patriotism.

When one attempts to trace the origins of this unfortunate and cruel fissure between the two communities, one would see 1956 for Sinhalese Buddhists and 1976 for Tamils as somewhat decisive and game-changing years.

For Sinhalese Buddhists, specifically the average not-so-privileged class, 1956 was the year in which their ‘place in the sun’ was assured. Albeit Independence was ‘won’ from British colonialism in 1948, thanks to the intense propaganda spearheaded by the left-wing parities such as the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party (CP), that Independence was merely a luxury state of affairs passed on by the British masters to the local rich and super rich class who inherited massive wealth from their parental bequeaths and consequential education abroad of Oxfordian kind.

Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike was one of them. Born to a wealthy, political family, he studied philosophy, politics, and economics at Christ Church, Oxford, and was called to the bar at the Inner Temple. Returning to Ceylon, he entered local politics by joining the Ceylon National Congress. Having been elected to the Colombo Municipal Council in 1926, he was elected from his family seat in Veyangoda to the State Council of Ceylon for two consecutive terms between 1931 and 1947, while serving in the second term as Minister of Local Administration in the Board of Ministers. Having founded the Sinhala Maha Sabha in 1936 on Sinhalese nationalist lines advocating for self-rule in Ceylon, he joined D S Senanayake by dissolving the Sinhala Maha Sabha and merging it with the United National Party (UNP) at its formation in 1947.

Bandaranaike was known to be a very crafty politician whose leadership was defined in reversible terms. Instead of spearheading a well disciplined crowd of men and women and leading them to a set goal along a prescribed set of national policies based on ideological grounds, he was one who identified where the followers are and led that crowd where the crowd wanted to go. Being a creation of such a mob-oriented local political stream, Bandaranaike introduced one of the most destructive political forces in the country.

‘The common man’ in 1956 was more of a slogan rather than an outcome of an empathetic feel SWRD had for the common man. He was more entrenched in his own reflection for the betterment of his own political aims. The political stream that consisted of ‘the common man‘ and the so-called ‘pancha maha balavegaya’ (five-pronged movement) was introduced which was socially destructive and divisive, economically unsustainable and morally bankrupt.

Yet he managed to draft a pact with the then Federal Party led by SJV Chelvanayakam whose enigmatic charisma continued to grow among Tamils both Northern and Eastern regions in Ceylon. Chelva, as he was fondly called, however, operated within the strict confines of non-violence. The Satyagraha campaigns organized by Chelva’s Federal Party did not bring any comfort to Tamils in the country, especially whose lives were limited to the Northern part beyond Vavuniya.

Successive governments headed by Sinhalese politicians failed to pay any attention to the hardships, both financial and cultural, suffered by Northern people. The gross negligence of Sinhalese politicians was palpable. Having failed to introduce the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact in 1957 and Dudley-Chelvanayakam pact in 1966, our leaders of yesteryear punted the ball instead of running with it and scoring a touchdown!

It was into this disappointing scenario a young lad from Pannakam near Vaddukodai in Northern province of Ceylon entered into Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (Federal Party) in 1949 and became its You Front leader. His name was Appapillai Amirthalingam. In the year 1976, exactly after twenty years from the rise of Bandaranaike, Amirthalingam had become the Leader of the Opposition and the Federal Party had become the main partner of the Tamil United Liberation Front.

Even though Chelvanayakam was relatively a passive opponent, Amirthalingam had become more assertive and close to be militant in his approach to gaining concessions from any central government led by Sinhalese Buddhists. In 1972 the ITAK, ACTC (All Ceylon Tamil Congress) and others formed the Tamil United Front later renamed Tamil United Liberation Front. Amirthalingam was delivering leaflets along with other leading Tamil politicians such as M. Sivasithamparam, V. N. Navaratnam, K P Ratnam and K. Thurairatnam in 1976 when they were all arrested on government orders.

Sivasithamparam was released but the others were taken to Colombo and tried for sedition. All the defendants were acquitted after a famous Trial-at-Bar case in which 72 Tamil lawyers including SJ.V Chelvanayakam and G. G. Ponnambalam appeared for the defense. S.J.V Chelvanayakam, leader of the TULF and ITAK, died in April 1977. Amirthalingam took on the leadership of both organizations.

It was in 1975, one year before the TULF was formed, that Alfred Durraiappah, the Mayor of Jaffna, was murdered in broad daylight, presumably by a young man named Velupillai Prabhakaran. Amirthalingam’s sympathies were always with the youth in Jaffna and he clandestinely helped the militant organizations and was alleged to have been supplying both moral and financial support to the youth organizations in the peninsula. In other words, he did unleash a hitherto concealed political force in the North.

But he did not know that he himself with Yogeswaran, Jaffna MP, would become victims at the end of these youth’s guns.

In an effort to bring about unity amongst the Tamils, Yogeswaran made contact with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) and met with them several times. He arranged a meeting between the Tamil Tigers and the TULF leaders at their Bullers Road residence. On the evening of July 13, 1989 three men, Peter Aloysius Leon (Vigna), Rasiah Aravindarajah (Visu) and Sivakumar (Arivu), arrived at the residence.

Aloysius and Visu went inside the house whilst Sivakumar remained outside. The two men met with Yogeswaran, Amirthalingam and Sivasithamparam in Yogeswaran’s apartment on the first floor. The meeting seemed to be going well when suddenly Visu pulled out a gun and shot Amirthalingam in the head and chest. Yogeswaran stood up but was shot by Aloysius and Visu. At the behest of Prabhakaran, the leadership of the TULF was eliminated.

Amirthalingam, of course, had not learnt a lesson from the Bandaranaike playbook. If one were to play tough man with militant organizations, one had to take immense precaution as to how far one could go with such organizations, terrorist or otherwise. It’s so hard to keep control of what is going to develop along the way. Instead of you controlling the momentum, the very momentum would ultimately control you. That is the sad story one has to learn from such flirtations with terrorist organizations.

Bandaranaike in 1956 never understood the power of the Pancha Maha Balavegaya and ‘the common man’. When the leadership of the Pancha Maha Balavegaya was in the hands of some thugs in saffron whose ideal is not so much consistent with that of the common man, inexperienced and self-centered men, what entails would be far too unpalatable to societal development. Bandaranaike’s pronounced ideals may have had a novel and daring appeal to the common man, but its romanticist journey will unfailingly lead to social stagnation and political instability.

As much as SWRD Bandaranaike did not learn the harder lessons of politics, neither did Amirthalingam. Both were sides of the same coin.

(This article first appeared in the Colombo Telegraph. Reproduced with the author’s permission)



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Misinterpreting President Dissanayake on National Reconciliation

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President Dissanayake

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been investing his political capital in going to the public to explain some of the most politically sensitive and controversial issues. At a time when easier political choices are available, the president is choosing the harder path of confronting ethnic suspicion and communal fears. There are three issues in particular on which the president’s words have generated strong reactions. These are first with regard to Buddhist pilgrims going to the north of the country with nationalist motivations. Second is the controversy relating to the expansion of the Tissa Raja Maha Viharaya, a recently constructed Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai which has become a flashpoint between local Tamil residents and Sinhala nationalist groups. Third is the decision not to give the war victory a central place in the Independence Day celebrations.

Even in the opposition, when his party held only three seats in parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake took his role as a public educator seriously. He used to deliver lengthy, well researched and easily digestible speeches in parliament. He continues this practice as president. It can be seen that his statements are primarily meant to elevate the thinking of the people and not to win votes the easy way. The easy way to win votes whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere in the world is to rouse nationalist and racist sentiments and ride that wave. Sri Lanka’s post independence political history shows that narrow ethnic mobilisation has often produced short term electoral gains but long term national damage.

Sections of the opposition and segments of the general public have been critical of the president for taking these positions. They have claimed that the president is taking these positions in order to obtain more Tamil votes or to appease minority communities. The same may be said in reverse of those others who take contrary positions that they seek the Sinhala votes. These political actors who thrive on nationalist mobilisation have attempted to portray the president’s statements as an abandonment of the majority community. The president’s actions need to be understood within the larger framework of national reconciliation and long term national stability.

Reconciler’s Duty

When the president referred to Buddhist pilgrims from the south going to the north, he was not speaking about pilgrims visiting long established Buddhist heritage sites such as Nagadeepa or Kandarodai. His remarks were directed at a specific and highly contentious development, the recently built Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai and those built elsewhere in the recent past in the north and east. The temple in Kankesanturai did not emerge from the religious needs of a local Buddhist community as there is none in that area. It has been constructed on land that was formerly owned and used by Tamil civilians and which came under military occupation as a high security zone. What has made the issue of the temple particularly controversial is that it was established with the support of the security forces.

The controversy has deepened because the temple authorities have sought to expand the site from approximately one acre to nearly fourteen acres on the basis that there was a historic Buddhist temple in that area up to the colonial period. However, the Tamil residents of the area fear that expansion would further displace surrounding residents and consolidate a permanent Buddhist religious presence in the present period in an area where the local population is overwhelmingly Hindu. For many Tamils in Kankesanturai, the issue is not Buddhism as a religion but the use of religion as a vehicle for territorial assertion and demographic changes in a region that bore the brunt of the war. Likewise, there are other parts of the north and east where other temples or places of worship have been established by the military personnel in their camps during their war-time occupation and questions arise regarding the future when these camps are finally closed.

There are those who have actively organised large scale pilgrimages from the south to make the Tissa temple another important religious site. These pilgrimages are framed publicly as acts of devotion but are widely perceived locally as demonstrations of dominance. Each such visit heightens tension, provokes protest by Tamil residents, and risks confrontation. For communities that experienced mass displacement, military occupation and land loss, the symbolism of a state backed religious structure on contested land with the backing of the security forces is impossible to separate from memories of war and destruction. A president committed to reconciliation cannot remain silent in the face of such provocations, however uncomfortable it may be to challenge sections of the majority community.

High-minded leadership

The controversy regarding the president’s Independence Day speech has also generated strong debate. In that speech the president did not refer to the military victory over the LTTE and also did not use the term “war heroes” to describe soldiers. For many Sinhala nationalist groups, the absence of these references was seen as an attempt to diminish the sacrifices of the armed forces. The reality is that Independence Day means very different things to different communities. In the north and east the same day is marked by protest events and mourning and as a “Black Day”, symbolising the consolidation of a state they continue to experience as excluding them and not empathizing with the full extent of their losses.

By way of contrast, the president’s objective was to ensure that Independence Day could be observed as a day that belonged to all communities in the country. It is not correct to assume that the president takes these positions in order to appease minorities or secure electoral advantage. The president is only one year into his term and does not need to take politically risky positions for short term electoral gains. Indeed, the positions he has taken involve confronting powerful nationalist political forces that can mobilise significant opposition. He risks losing majority support for his statements. This itself indicates that the motivation is not electoral calculation.

President Dissanayake has recognized that Sri Lanka’s long term political stability and economic recovery depend on building trust among communities that once peacefully coexisted and then lived through decades of war. Political leadership is ultimately tested by the willingness to say what is necessary rather than what is politically expedient. The president’s recent interventions demonstrate rare national leadership and constitute an attempt to shift public discourse away from ethnic triumphalism and toward a more inclusive conception of nationhood. Reconciliation cannot take root if national ceremonies reinforce the perception of victory for one community and defeat for another especially in an internal conflict.

BY Jehan Perera

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Recovery of LTTE weapons

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Sri Lanka Navy in action

I have read a newspaper report that the Special Task Force of Sri Lanka Police, with help of Military Intelligence, recovered three buried yet well-preserved 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers used by the LTTE, in the Kudumbimalai area, Batticaloa.

These deadly weapons were used by the LTTE SEA TIGER WING to attack the Sri Lanka Navy ships and craft in 1990s. The first incident was in February 1997, off Iranativu island, in the Gulf of Mannar.

Admiral Cecil Tissera took over as Commander of the Navy on 27 January, 1997, from Admiral Mohan Samarasekara.

The fight against the LTTE was intensified from 1996 and the SLN was using her Vanguard of the Navy, Fast Attack Craft Squadron, to destroy the LTTE’s littoral fighting capabilities. Frequent confrontations against the LTTE Sea Tiger boats were reported off Mullaitivu, Point Pedro and Velvetiturai areas, where SLN units became victorious in most of these sea battles, except in a few incidents where the SLN lost Fast Attack Craft.

Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers

The intelligence reports confirmed that the LTTE Sea Tigers was using new recoilless rocket launchers against aluminium-hull FACs, and they were deadly at close quarter sea battles, but the exact type of this weapon was not disclosed.

The following incident, which occurred in February 1997, helped confirm the weapon was Carl Gustaf 84 mm Recoilless gun!

DATE: 09TH FEBRUARY, 1997, morning 0600 hrs.

LOCATION: OFF IRANATHIVE.

FACs: P 460 ISRAEL BUILT, COMMANDED BY CDR MANOJ JAYESOORIYA

P 452 CDL BUILT, COMMANDED BY LCDR PM WICKRAMASINGHE (ON TEMPORARY COMMAND. PROPER OIC LCDR N HEENATIGALA)

OPERATED FROM KKS.

CONFRONTED WITH LTTE ATTACK CRAFT POWERED WITH FOUR 250 HP OUT BOARD MOTORS.

TARGET WAS DESTROYED AND ONE LTTE MEMBER WAS CAPTURED.

LEADING MARINE ENGINEERING MECHANIC OF THE FAC CAME UP TO THE BRIDGE CARRYING A PROJECTILE WHICH WAS FIRED BY THE LTTE BOAT, DURING CONFRONTATION, WHICH PENETRATED THROUGH THE FAC’s HULL, AND ENTERED THE OICs CABIN (BETWEEN THE TWO BUNKS) AND HIT THE AUXILIARY ENGINE ROOM DOOR AND HAD FALLEN DOWN WITHOUT EXPLODING. THE ENGINE ROOM DOOR WAS HEAVILY DAMAGED LOOSING THE WATER TIGHT INTEGRITY OF THE FAC.

THE PROJECTILE WAS LATER HANDED OVER TO THE NAVAL WEAPONS EXPERTS WHEN THE FACs RETURNED TO KKS. INVESTIGATIONS REVEALED THE WEAPON USED BY THE ENEMY WAS 84 mm CARL GUSTAF SHOULDER-FIRED RECOILLESS GUN AND THIS PROJECTILE WAS AN ILLUMINATER BOMB OF ONE MILLION CANDLE POWER. BUT THE ATTACKERS HAS FAILED TO REMOVE THE SAFETY PIN, THEREFORE THE BOMB WAS NOT ACTIVATED.

Sea Tigers

Carl Gustaf 84 mm recoilless gun was named after Carl Gustaf Stads Gevärsfaktori, which, initially, produced it. Sweden later developed the 84mm shoulder-fired recoilless gun by the Royal Swedish Army Materiel Administration during the second half of 1940s as a crew served man- portable infantry support gun for close range multi-role anti-armour, anti-personnel, battle field illumination, smoke screening and marking fire.

It is confirmed in Wikipedia that Carl Gustaf Recoilless shoulder-fired guns were used by the only non-state actor in the world – the LTTE – during the final Eelam War.

It is extremely important to check the batch numbers of the recently recovered three launchers to find out where they were produced and other details like how they ended up in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka?

By Admiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

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Yellow Beatz … a style similar to K-pop!

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Yes, get ready to vibe with Yellow Beatz, Sri Lanka’s awesome girl group, keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-pop!

With high-energy beats and infectious hooks, these talented ladies are here to shake up the music scene.

Think bold moves, catchy hooks, and, of course, spicy versions of old Sinhala hits, and Yellow Beatz is the package you won’t want to miss!

According to a spokesman for the group, Yellow Beatz became a reality during the Covid period … when everyone was stuck at home, in lockdown.

“First we interviewed girls, online, and selected a team that blended well, as four voices, and then started rehearsals. One of the cover songs we recorded, during those early rehearsals, unexpectedly went viral on Facebook. From that moment onward, we continued doing cover songs, and we received a huge response. Through that, we were able to bring back some beautiful Sri Lankan musical creations that were being forgotten, and introduce them to the new generation.”

The team members, I am told, have strong musical skills and with proper training their goal is to become a vocal group recognised around the world.

Believe me, their goal, they say, is not only to take Sri Lanka’s name forward, in the music scene, but to bring home a Grammy Award, as well.

“We truly believe we can achieve this with the love and support of everyone in Sri Lanka.”

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz as they have received an exceptional opportunity to represent Sri Lanka at the World Championships of Performing Arts in the USA.

Under the guidance of Chris Raththara, the Director for Sri Lanka, and with the blessings of all Sri Lankans, the girls have a great hope that they can win this milestone.

“We believe this will be a moment of great value for us as Yellow Beatz, and also for all Sri Lankans, and it will be an important inspiration for the future of our country.”

Along with all the preparation for the event in the USA, they went on to say they also need to manage their performances, original song recordings, and everything related.

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz

“We have strong confidence in ourselves and in our sincere intentions, because we are a team that studies music deeply, researches within the field, and works to take the uniqueness of Sri Lankan identity to the world.”

At present, they gather at the Voices Lab Academy, twice a week, for new creations and concert rehearsals.

This project was created by Buddhika Dayarathne who is currently working as a Pop Vocal lecturer at SLTC Campus. Voice Lab Academy is also his own private music academy and Yellow Beatz was formed through that platform.

Buddhika is keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-Pop and Yellow Beatz began as a result of that vision. With that same aim, we all work together as one team.

“Although it was a little challenging for the four of us girls to work together at first, we have united for our goal and continue to work very flexibly and with dedication. Our parents and families also give their continuous blessings and support for this project,” Rameesha, Dinushi, Newansa and Risuri said.

Last year, Yellow Beatz released their first original song, ‘Ihirila’ , and with everything happening this year, they are also preparing for their first album.

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