Editorial
Absolute Power
John Dalberg-Acton, or Lord Acton, a British historian of the late 19th and early 20th century famously said that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely…” Absolute power is what the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) of the Rajapaksas won last Wednesday and the biggest challenge for President Gotabaya and brother Mahinda, who will continue as prime minister, is to ensure that Acton’s words do not come true in Sri Lanka. Theirs was a stunning victory belying even the wildest expectations of their most optimistic supporters. Conventional wisdom that nobody can obtain a two thirds majority under proportional representation, as JR Jayewardene intended, went with the wind with the SLPP and its allies tantalizingly close to that mark. One hundred and forty five was the official tally, seats won in the electorates plus the national least places – just five short of the magic number. But one must add Douglas Devananda’s two seats in the north to that total, as he is very much a part of the SLPP, having served even in the caretaker cabinet, and the single seat the SLFP won. Even former President Sirisena chose to run under the purple banner as did many other blues who knew the coming colour. No doubt the SLFP will be offered to the Rajapaksas and the UNP will strive to re-unite.
Who would believe that the greens would fail to get even a single MP elected? Most expected the Sajith Premadasa faction, which is also UNP, to do better than Ranil’s team notwithstanding the possession of Siri Kotha and the recent court judgment. Both Wickremesinghe and Premadasa must take the blame for the debacle they have suffered. It is not rocket science that united you stand and divided you fall. That is what has happened to both sides of the UNP. Ranil loyalists say Sajith was too greedy, having been anointed as the presidential candidate last November and been appointed the chairman of the Nomination Board.. He demanded the party leadership as well although his Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) had the UNP’s imprimatur. Premadasa chose not to remember that he had agreed to let Wickremesinghe lead the party till 2025. But Ranil also was greedy, having attained the party leadership by “fortuitous circumstances” (we borrow the words from W. Dahanayaka who used them when he succeeded SWRD Bandaranaike as prime minister) and continued for 27 long years through thick and thin.
He became prime minister and party leader following the assassinations of both Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake. two UNP stars of the JR era, eclipsed by Ranasinghe Premadasa who first became prime minister and then president. Wickremesinghe had four innings at the prime ministerial crease, though he didn’t serve a full term on any these occasions. He was unlucky to have lost the presidency to Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2005 as the LTTE closed entry to the polling stations at that election and prevented voters living in areas they controlled from exercising their franchise. These were votes that Ranil would have polled. But that was not to be. He must also be given credit for subordinating his own interests in 2015 and throwing the UNP’s weight behind Maithripala Sirisena who the combined opposition fielded against Mahinda Rajapaksa as the common candidate. Siresena could and would not have won that election without UNP backing. Thereafter Wicremesinghe, whatever his own ambitions, conceded his party’s presidential ticket to Premadasa last November.
What the UNP would do with the solitary National List seat it has won has not been decided at the time of writing. A wag remarked that Wickremesinghe would appoint another one of those committees he’s famous for to decide who should take that place! A correspondent, in a letter we publish today quotes Mangala Samaraweera saying that Ranil was the best president we never had. Karu Jauyasuriya was also described as the best leader the UNP never had. That was Ranil’s doing. Despite his admiriation of Wickremesinghe, Samaraweera, notwithstanding his subsequent backdown, threw in his lot with Premadasa as did the vast majority of the UNP’s 106 MPs in the last Parliament. They eloquently expressed the overwhelming majority view within the party of who the better leader would be – at least to win the election. But Wickremesinghe chose not to listen. That he lost even his own seat at Colombo Central, one of the UNP’s strongest bastions, was the result.
What now? The leaders of the two main parties, the SLPP and both factions of the UNP, failed the people massively by nominating the vast majority of those who sat in the last Parliament for re-election. Most of them, certainly from the Pohottuwa, have been re-elected despite the questionable reputations of many. This is the nature of politics – especially landslides when herd instincts takeover. Will the Rajapaksas, faced with the stiffest possible economic challenge in the wake of the Covid pandemic and its aftermath, be willing to take the impossibly hard decisions that the situation demands? There is a strong conviction within knowledgeable circles that big business firmly believes that President Gotabaya is the country’s only hope. He has demonstrated ability to deliver not only as Defence Secretary during the war, but also as Secretary for Urban Development thereafter. There is optimism that he would do what is right leaving the politics to brothers Mahinda and Basil.
Constitutional change, or at least amendment by repealing 19A, was spoken of from most SLPP platforms during this campaign and the one before which propelled GR into office. This was despite a severely adverse minority vote. But the majority community ensured his comfortable election althopugh it did give the victory a racial tinge. Hopefully the baby will not be thrown with the bathwater and the two-term limit, the Constitutional Council, Right to Information, and the Independent Commissions will, with appropriate changes, remain in the statute. After all the Elections Commission ran a fine election, in the teeth of many difficulties, for which it must be congratulated. So also the different political parties and their hot blooded supporters for keeping this election violence free.
Editorial
‘Monkey menace’

Monday 31st March, 2025
The JVP/NPP administration has sought to handle crop-raiding monkeys exactly the way Sri Lankan governments deal with their political opponents—throwing them into prison. While the Opposition is complaining that some of its members are being arrested and remanded at the behest of the powers that be, the government has unveiled a plan to relocate monkeys in Kandy to some aits in reservoirs in the Central Province. Environmentalists and animal rights groups have already started protesting against this grand plan and questioning the feasibility of the proposed project. Will the monkeys to be taken to those eyots have access to food? Will they be left to their fate after being relocated?
The so-called monkey menace is far too complex to be tackled once and for all with the help of simple methods such as translocation. How does the government intend to deal with the monkeys in other areas, where there are no reservoirs/rivers with aits? Besides, the government had a hard time enumerating the monkeys the other day, and how difficult it will be to catch them goes without saying. One may recall that it took Wildlife officers about one whole week to catch and treat a wild jumbo that had lost one of its tusks in a collision with a truck on the Habarana-Maradankadawala road near Galapitagala recently.
What characterises the strategies adopted by successive governments to prevent depredation is that they are human centric, with little attention paid to the crop-raiding animals that are also victims. Their focus has been on preventing crop raiders from invading human habitats, and the methods used for that purpose include warding off wild animals, their translocation and controlling their populations.
There has been a persistent campaign for physically eliminating depredators as a quick fix. Much is also being spoken about the need to erect electrified fences, etc., to prevent wild elephants from invading villages. The desperation of cultivators, politicians and officials to deal with the ever-worsening problem of crop losses might make such measures look like lasting solutions, but they alone will not yield the desired results in the long run.
Hence the need to adopt a holistic approach to the problem and examine all dimensions thereof, especially the adverse impact of human activity on animal habitats. While short-term measures may be compelling, they will not help eliminate the root causes of the problem, paving the way for a sustainable solution.
The success of any strategy to prevent depredation hinges on the elimination of the factors that drive wild animals to invade villages and ravage the crops. Some methods employed in other countries to overcome the problem include establishing protected areas for wild animals, restoration of degraded habitats, promoting sustainable agriculture, reducing animal habitat fragmentation and creating corridors to allow animal movement among fragmented habitats.
In Sri Lanka, post-harvest losses are reportedly around 40% due to temperature and humidity, lack of infrastructure, storage facilities, and technology, and poor handling practices. If these losses can be minimised significantly, it may be possible to reduce the amount of land currently used for agriculture and prevent the opening up of more land, especially ecologically sensitive areas like peripheral forests, for cultivation at the expense of animal habitats.
One of the main reasons for the failure of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government was that it had too many experts who undertook tasks they had little knowledge of; some medical doctors determined that administration’s agriculture policy, and made a mess of it, the disastrous organic farming initiative being a case in point. A minister of the incumbent government has given his expert opinion about a recent Sri Lanka Air Force trainer jet crash, attributing it to a pilot error even before an expert probe committee submits its report on the accident. So, the task of tackling the problem of crop raiders should be left to real experts; politicians and others should confine themselves to playing a supportive role.
Editorial
Setting a good example

Winding up the 2025 budget debate in his capacity of finance minister, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake once again told the country that legislation to abolish MPs’ pensions is forthcoming, presumably in the short term although he has not specified when. However, opposition lawmaker Ravi Karunanayake has stolen a march on the president and his government by bringing a private member’s motion to abolish pensions for parliamentarians which has already been unanimously adopted by the legislature and is now awaiting a formal government Bill for enactment. Ironically, MPs who voted unanimously to give themselves pensions are now on the brink of similarly voting to abolishing them.
We have on previous occasions harked back on the fact that former prime minister, Sir John Kotelawela, famously exhorted henda athey thiyanakan bedaganilla (as long as the spoon is in your hand, serve yourselves). This, our lawmakers have been assiduously doing over the decades. The parliamentary pensions, non-contributory as in the case of coveted pensions for life paid to public servants, was later extended to their widows and orphans. But in the case of the public service, surviving spouses and orphans were covered by a contributory Widows and Orphans Pension Fund while parliamentarians paid nothing for this extended privilege to their widows.
The president correctly understands that perks and privileges elected officials vote for themselves are deeply resented by the public. He has hence scored brownie points for himself and his government by announcing that having discovered that he was being paid an MP’s pension in addition to his salary as executive president, he was foregoing the former entitlement and has already written to parliament’s secretary general to that effect. He further announced that the present all powerful regime has decided that its ministers and deputy ministers will not enjoy both their parliamentary emoluments together with the salaries for their official positions. They are foregoing the former but will enjoy a fuel allowance on account of the latter. We do not know if this dual payment was made was so in the past.
Although President Dissanayake has not said as much, it appears that many of his predecessors in office have drawn their parliamentary pensions in addition to presidential entitlements covered by statutes. The demand for pensions go back to the previous House of Representatives when LSSP leader, Dr. NM Perera, a highly qualified senior full time politician with no professional income unlike some of his colleagues, suggested such payments. He has however been derided for, despite his socialist professions, being a plantation owner (Oakfield nd Moragolla estates) and owning a mill (Giridara) which became a cause célèbre in the sixties.
When legislation for parliamentary pensions was eventually enacted remains uncertain. Former secretary general of parliament, Mr. Nihal Seneviratne in his book of memories of a long career in parliament, which we are excerpting and running at present, says the legislation was introduced by a former speaker, Mr. KB Ratnayake, who was once minister of parliamentary affairs and sports. Other reports say that it came during the tenure of the JR Jayewardene government. However that be, such pensions have long been paid and many senior politicians who decided not to run for re-election fearing defeat at the last elections are now in receipt of their pensions.
Time was when eminent people spent private wealth to render public service through election to the legislature. Times have changed and opportunistic politicians seeking elected office to get what they can from such positions – legitimately and illegitimately – are dime a dozen. President Jayewardene often claimed that he made political office sufficiently materially attractive to discourage corruption. Singapore’s legendary Lee Kwan Yew did as much. While Lee achieved a desirable result, sullied occasionally though the guilty have been successfully prosecuted and jailed, Sri Lanka has abjectly failed on this score.
There was one instance in the sixties when a senior Eastern Province politician, who had served as a parliamentary secretary, lost his civic rights for seven years following the Thalgodapitiya Bribery Commission report and was expelled from parliament. Two ministers found guilty by that commission had the grace to resign. But we have seen a politician convicted of murder and sentenced to death being elected to parliament a few weeks later and being sworn as an MP despite the ruling of the attorney general that he was ineligible to sit. He was eventually acquitted on appeal, There was also a minister in the last government convicted for extortion with a suspended sentence of imprisonment and a hefty fine continuing to sit in the legislature and function as a minister while an appeal was pending.
The current government seem determined to halt the past practice of heaping gravy on the plates of elected politicians. No ministers or deputy ministers of the present regime live in government housing as was common in the past. Nor do the president and prime minister. There have been ministers who had built swimming pools at taxpayer cost in their official residences. One even installed an elevator in his official bungalow for his aging mother through a state corporation under his purview. Others have not paid utility bills for which they were liable.
The present regime has showcased profligacy of the past including luxurious mansions occupied by past presidents at taxpayer expense, hefty payments made to politicians whose homes and offices were attacked by aragalaya protesters far exceeding the caps on compensation payable to victims of natural disasters and much more. The report of the KT Chitrasiri Committee on trimming fat off the political establishment is in though not published. The government seems seriously intent on setting a good example and correcting past excesses.
Editorial
Protesters and liberators

Saturday 29th March, 2025
University students who campaigned very hard to ensure the JVP-led NPP’s victory in last year’s elections, may have thought they would be able to conduct a peaceful protest in front of the Health Ministry in support of a group of Allied Health Sciences graduates, without being arrested and hauled up before court. But they were in for a rude shock, yesterday, when the police swooped on the protesters and arrested 27 of them including several Inter University Students’ Federation (IUSF) members for violating a court order that banned their agitation.
Time was when JVP used to let out howls of protests when the police descended on protests, after obtaining court orders against them, at the behest of previous governments. It condemned police action based on court orders, as draconian tactics employed by dictatorial regimes bent on suppressing the people’s right to protest. It also launched numerous protests against the previous governments in violation of court orders, and even tried to march on the Presidential Secretariat only to be dispersed by the riot police, who used teargas, rubber bullets, and water cannon liberally. At present, the police do as the NPP government says and go all out to obtain court orders banning protests, which they crush, the way they did in the past.
Opinion may be divided on public protests which make already congested urban roads even more chaotic, much to the inconvenience of the public. Police action against protesters may therefore resonate with many people. However, successive governments have not cared to tackle the root causes of public protests––chronic grievances and injustices. The current NPP administration has failed to be different from its predecessors.
The Students’ Union of the Allied Health Sciences Faculty of the University of Peradeniya launched their protest on Thursday, demanding that the government do away with the requirement for its members to sit an examination to join the state health services. The fact that the medical graduates of national universities are recruited to the health service straightaway may have prompted the protesting Allied Health Sciences graduates to make the aforesaid demand. The protesters’ talks with the Health authorities failed yesterday, and they decided to intensify their agitation, coupling it with a fast. The police moved in, made arrests and pulled down a makeshift hut the agitators had put up for their fast. Some student leaders were heard, on television, cursing the NPP leaders they had backed.
The incumbent government should have addressed the grievances of the Allied Health Sciences graduates before they took to the streets. After all, the JVP/NPP made an election pledge to give the graduates of state universities priority in the public sector recruitment. Representatives of the unemployed graduates, at press briefings and in television interviews, play a video of JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake making the above-mentioned promise during his presidential election campaign last year. In an audio clip, JVP/NPP stalwart and former IUSF Convener, Sunil Handunnetti, is heard telling an unemployed graduate who telephoned him in the run-up to last year’s general election that they (the JVP/NPP leaders) would have to secure their jobs first—meaning election to Parliament—before resolving the issue of graduate unemployment. The members of the unemployed graduates’ association insist that their efforts to contact Minister Handunnetti have since been in vain.
The JVP leveraged its ability to mobilise flash mobs and hold protests to weaken previous governments in defiance of court/police orders. It drove students and workers to agitations, in their thousands, to advance its political agenda, condemning the past governments for using the police and judicial orders to suppress the people’s right to protest. Now, it is employing the same methods as its predecessors to crush protests instead of heeding the grievances of protesters. It ought to get protesters around the table and give them a patient hearing and do its best to solve their problems. That is the least it can do for those who believed its promises and worked tirelessly to ensure its impressive electoral victory last year.
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