Features
Constitutional amendments and management of public affairs in Sri Lanka
By Siri Hettige
Emeritus Professor of Sociology,
University of Colombo
There are many factors that affect the way public affairs are managed in a country. The basic law of the country is perhaps the most important one. Hence the current debates about the proposed 20th amendment to the constitution. As the discussions and debates so far show, the proposed amendment has many ramifications and I do not intend to touch on all these in this short article. While acknowledging that all the diverse aspects discussed by various commentators are important, here, I wish to concentrate on a few selected isssues. These relate to STATE institutions, their functioning and the policy process.
Modern democratic societies rely on a plethora of state institutions with different functions for their stability, functioning and progress. It is their diverse functions that ensure the fulfilment of needs and aspirations of the members of society in keeping with widely held values, ideas and standards. These values, ideas and standards are usually enshrined in the basic law and other laws, rules and regulations. So, the role of the legislature elected by the people in enacting the laws of the land including the basic law is critically important as such laws are expected to reflect their values, ideas and standards. Beside the legislative function, the legislature also deliberates and reach decisions on the management of public finances and national policies in diverse fields, indicating its overarching impact on the management of public affairs.
As mentioned before, diverse state institutions perform a range of functions, all of which are critically important to safeguard the widely shared values and standards in society, satisfy the needs and aspirations of the people.
While many commentators have already discussed the larger issues connected with the relationships across legislative, executive and judicial branches in terms of checks and balances, I wish to concentrate on the state institutions that have been established over the years to manage public affairs in the country.
As mentioned earlier, modern democratic societies rely on a wide range of state institutions to deal with economic, social, cultural and environmental issues that affect the lives of the people. The need to establish various institutions is recognized through public discourses and the final decision to establish a state institution is reached through a political process in the legislature. This is often connected with policy debates and the shape of the institutions is determined by the policy positions adopted in the process. Since the whole process is steered by people’s representatives and political parties in parliament, the establishment of the institutions is reflective of the need to guide the process of implementation of policies adopted by the legislature. These policies in turn may relate to a diverse array of subjects such as regulation of individual, group or community behavior, maintenance of public order, justice, peace, development, education, health, social protection and public welfare, protection of special interest groups such as children, women, youth, unemployed, homeless and poor people, environmental protection, management of public finances, technology development, social infrastructure, international relations, etc.
Given the complexities involved in managing the affairs in the above areas, it is not surprising that there are hundreds of state institutions in the country today established over several decades. These institutions are expected to perform diverse functions mentioned above in keeping with the laws, state policies, social standards, conventions, social norms, international obligations, etc. An important way to make sure that the institutions do so is to professionalize them by adopting proper human resource management practices and ensuring institutional and professional autonomy without ad hoc political interferences. It is only under such circumstances that state institutions can be expected to function to the satisfaction of the people who sustain them by contributing to public finances through various taxes they pay.
Given the range of functions that state institutions are expected to perform, it is obvious that well performing state institutions can improve the life chances of people, in particular, the disadvantaged segments of the population. Yet, many state institutions are prevented from functioning effectively due to excessive politicization and lack of necessary resources. The development of institutional capacities takes place over many years of sustained improvements in human and material resources but, when people in key positions are replaced after every change of government, institutions adversely affected by such change tend to decay rather than grow. The adverse impact of politicization is often further compounded by corruption engendered by such interferences, not to mention the demoralization of the workforce that often follows.
The proposed constitutional amendment has also to be viewed in the light of the above brief discussion on the role of state institutions in the management of public affairs. Even if we go by what has already happened in recent months in terms of increasing politicization of state institutions, how can we expect any improvement in the way these institutions are managed. Let me emphasize that hundreds of institutions have been established by Acts of parliament to achieve very important national goals and objectives in diverse fields.
Today, we are living in a world where anyone can have access to any information relating to almost every country with the touch of button of any communication device. Different countries are governed by regimes with diverse political ideologies, policy orientations and governance styles. The shape of state institutions and their performance diverge widely depending on such variations. The benefits that the countries and their people derive from institutions also vary accordingly. This is a very wide subject that can be discussed at length but space does not permit me to do this here. So, let me give a few examples to illustrate the point.
It is well known that almost all East Asian countries achieved great economic and social progress in recent decades largely thanks to increasing technocratic orientation of their state institutions. To achieve rapid economic development, these countries invested heavily in education and Research and Development (R&D). This was done by strengthening relevant institutions, in particular universities and research institutes by adopting a technocratic approach. A similar approach was adopted to revamp state economic enterprises, by getting the most competent people to lead them. In other words, increasing professionalization of state institutions enhanced their performance bringing tangible benefits to the country and the people. By contrast, our state institutions became more and more politicized and used by many regimes to offer employment and other rewards to political supporters and leading political activists. While this is a far cry from the meritocratic and social democratic approaches adopted in many modern societies, consequences have been quite clear; injustice, discrimination, political violence, corruption and deterioration of institutions, economic stagnation and brain drain. While the 19th amendment to the constitution, despite its shortcomings, was an attempt to reverse the above trends, now, the proposed 20th amendment is likely to create conditions that would pave the way for increasing political control over state institutions that were established over many decades to serve a larger national purpose by contributing to economic and social development, public welfare, social justice, peace and stability, public order based on rule of law, environmental protection, equitable social infrastructure and equal life chances to all citizens.
Features
Recruiting academics to state universities – beset by archaic selection processes?
Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).
How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities
Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).
* Lecturer (Probationary)
– recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.
* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.
* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.
State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.
Problem type 1
– Archaic processes and evaluation criteria
Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.
This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!
Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education
A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.
Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.
At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.
Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.
The problem is clear but what about a solution?
Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:
* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.
* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.
* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
Features
Talento … oozing with talent
This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.
Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.
Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.
The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.
The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication
Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.
Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.
The musicians, who make up Talento, are:
Prabuddha Geetharuchi:
(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.
Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):
A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.
Chandana Perera (Drummer):
His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.
Harsha Soysa:
(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band
Udara Jayakody:
(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.
Aruna Madushanka:
(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.
Prashan Pramuditha:
(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..
Features
Special milestone for JJ Twins
The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’
In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!
‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.
This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.
It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.
Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.
Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:
Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial
TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic
Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers
YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins
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