Features
JRJ in action and events leading to the July 1983 disaster
Excerpted from volume two of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography
Another innovation of the JRJ regime was the introduction of lotteries to supplement national budgetary allocations. The pioneer of this scheme was Wickreme Weerasooria who was the Secretary of the Ministry of Planning. I got associated with this project because printing was a subject assigned to the Ministry of State of which I was the Secretary.
The idea of a lottery was first mooted by Ingrid McAlpine nee Wijeratne, who lived in UK for a long time and returned after the UNP victory to be inducted as a close friend of the President and a member of Madam Elina’s inner circle. She was the niece of Philip Gunawardena, her mother being Philip’s elder sister. But the Wijeratnes were UNP supporters and had been strong backers of JRJ when he contested the Kelaniya electorate.
As President, JRJ went out of his way to help those families whose parents and grandparents had backed him when he was a young, and perhaps lesser known, candidate. Among them were the Gunasekere and Wijeratne families whose progeny were promoted in the Mahara, Gampaha and Kelaniya areas. Ingrid’s project proposal was accepted by JRJ and Wickreme with his usual gusto launched the National lottery which was at that time the only lottery permitted.
The funds so collected were available to the President as discretionary funds which were not permitted earlier under the National Budget. Other senior ministers in his cabinet quickly saw the advantages of these discretionary funds, as well as printing contracts and began to lobby the President to set up their own lotteries. Predictably the first to lobby the President and set up the Sevana Fund and lottery was the Prime Minister.
He did not use the good offices of Ingrid but chose his favourite Ajantha Wijesena, who used his marketing skills to develop the Sevana Fund for subsidizing his minister’s housing development program. Lalith followed with his request for a Mahapola lottery to be managed by Ingrid. By this time the Finance Ministry was getting alarmed at the proliferation of discretionary funds of individual ministers and the setting up of extra-budgetary mechanisms which diluted Treasury control of state finances.
Wickreme also pointed out the wasteful duplication of publicity and marketing agencies and even more urgently the decline of income of the National Lottery which was under the charge of the President. Other Ministers were also lining up after being promoted by printers and advertising agencies who saw a golden opportunity. Finally the President had to put his foot down and refuse new requests.
However he directed that a substantial portion of the income from the National Lottery be diverted to Mahapola. Lalith was satisfied but it created a bad precedent because successive trade ministers started playing politics with those funds. They saw a god given opportunity to divert funds to their electorates outside the country’s budget.
Lalith won the hearts of the undergraduates of his time with his initiative. I can testify to the fact that many of the Mahapola recipients flocked to pay homage at his funeral and lined the roads as a tribute to a man with a vision who made their lives better. The role of Lalith, Gamini and Ronnie clearly showed the value of literate and dynamic ministers. Unfortunately that tendency was nipped in the bud by political leaders who had to pay their dues to loyalist party hacks and financiers who had helped them in times of adversity.
Chambers of Commerce
Lalith was the ideal choice for establishing commercial links with our partner countries as the Minister of Trade. With his wide range of contacts, superlative knowledge of the law and the English language and his well-known habit of hard work and diligent preparation he made ministerial missions abroad most fruitful for the country. He also had excellent contacts with our private sector which at that time happened to be dominated by old Royalists.
Among them were Ken Balendra, Ratna Sivaratnam, Chari de Silva, Wijemanne, Ranjan Gooneratne and several others. The plantation sector was dominated by old Royalists and Old Trinitians. They were all close to the young minister and could interact with him on a friendly basis. Many successive Presidents tended to appoint second raters as ministers who could not reach out to the important capitalists in the country. They had to depend on cronies as intermediaries who were usually corrupt and were rent seekers. This parasitic class came to the fore with Chandrika and especially Mahinda Rajapakse.
I was directed by the President to join Lalith’s pathbreaking mission to set up the first Japan-Sri Lanka Trade chamber in JRJ in action and events leading to the July 1983 disasterTokyo. This high level delegation
included Chandi Chanmugam from the Treasury, Paul Perera of BOI, Raju Coomaraswamy, Chari de Silva, Wettasinghe, Cornel Perera, H.R. Fernando and a few others. I represented the tourism sector. The Japanese side included Yasoao Fukuda who was later to be Prime Minister of Japan and all the leaders of the ‘Daibatsu’ or the major business houses of the country.
It included Mitsui, Mitsubishi, C. Itoh, Sumitomo and many other companies who wanted to do business under the JRJ dispensation. This meeting contributed to making Japan one of our major economic partners and a long term friend. Over 40 years later when on an official visit to Japan I was able to participate in another meeting of the chamber. I referred to the fact that the Chamber had met continuously from that inaugural meeting and Mr. Fukuda and I were probably the only living survivors of the original meeting held in the Imperial Hotel in Tokyo under the leadership of Lalith.
Lalith’s expertise was also sought in Geneva by Gamini Corea for UNCTAD and Lakshman Kadirgamar for negotiations on `intellectual property’. These invitations led to a milestone in Lalith’s life when he began to date Srimani de Saram who was working in the secretariat of UNCTAD, on the staff of Gamini Corea its Secretary-General. He married her in Geneva and she became his standard bearer after his death. Tragically Srimani herself was afflicted with a cancer and died not long after her husband.
Ethnic Conflict
If there was one issue which spelt the eventual doom of the UNP it was JRJ’s inept handling of the ethnic issue. Like Hitler’s ‘Thousand year Reich’ the euphoric UNP hoped to remain in power for a long period of time. JRJ’s models of Singapore and Malaysia were, in effect, one party states. Unlike in the UNP, in those nations leaders who obtained freedom remained to guide their destinies with near dictatorial powers.
JRJ too wanted to ‘roll up the electoral map’. This was a euphemism for the untrammeled perpetuation of UNP rule. The JRJ constitution, with its new electoral system, was tailormade to accommodate the UNP which was the largest party in the country. There was no hope for the SLFP except through coalition politics. With no prospect of regaining office, the usually indisciplined SLFP leaders, who had earlier paid homage to the Bandaranaike ‘family show’, now began to cut loose, criticize their leader and even enter into a dialogue with JRJ. But all these plans went awry due to the prolonged ethnic conflict.
The President was beleaguered, abandoned by his erstwhile comrades, and had to literally fight for his life. Walls in Colombo were plastered with JVP slogans calling for “Death to the Old Man”. How did this happen? What were the series of blunders that bedeviled JRJ’s second term of office? The main factor was his inability to contain the ethnic conflict. This led to his alienation from India which at that time, opportunistically or otherwise, espoused the Tamil cause.
Later when he attempted to compromise with India he was reviled by the majority of the Sinhalese who followed the virulent anti-Indian line of the JVP, supported by the SLFP. By making Cyril Mathew and some of his backbenchers to join that bandwagon he further alienated India and Sri Lanka was put on a slippery slope to disaster.
At the beginning of his tenure JRJ had an opportunity of solving the Tamil question. Though his rival Kobbekaduwa did well in the North and East at the 1982 Presidential election, largely because the SLFP closed the door to foreign agricultural products which Jaffna farmers grew in abundance, many Tamils believed that JRJ will remove restrictive communal provisions like the language laws, University quotas and offer better opportunities to them for trade.
In addition the Tamil elite in Colombo were mostly supporters of the UNP. It is ironical that the most pro-devolution politician in the State Council days was Bandaranaike. When he entered politics as a young man Bandaranaike was an advocate of federalism. In contrast JRJ was from the beginning a supporter of a strong unitary nation based on his historical readings about Sinhala kings.
The Senanayakes and following them JRJ, had a streak of Sinhala nationalism. In my personal experience when talking to JRJ about the ethnic question he usually referred to the Tamils as ‘Damilas’; a terminology used in ancient Sinhala inscriptions. The problem was that instead of addressing the real concerns of the Tamils, the youth in particular, he spent time in attempting to ‘strike a deal’ with the Tamil leadership.
Though this seemed a viable option at the start, the entry of militant Tamil youth swung the pendulum towards the confrontation. The communal riots that followed the UNP victory reduced JRJs options because he did not want to antagonize the Sinhala extremists at the very beginning of his regime. In allying himself firmly with the US he did not watch his flank which was Indira Gandhi’s India.
Under normal conditions, for instance with Nehru, Shastri or Morarji Desai, JRJ would have had room to maneuver. But at this stage Indira was taking India on a different path which asserted India’s primacy in foreign relations in the subcontinent. She wanted India to be a regional super power as demonstrated in her invasion of East Pakistan and the creation of a pro-India new nation called Bangladesh.
In this scenario both JRJ and his policies appeared to be irritants to Indira’s left leaning advisors who were jubilant that their military interventions against their main enemy Pakistan was successful. At this juncture with the Indian Congress being challenged electorally for the first time, Indira was also persuaded that the Tamil ‘card’ would benefit her in the forthcoming elections. In the face of her defeat in the Nehru stronghold of Rae Bareilly, she had moved to the Chikmagalur seat in South India signaling the growing strength of the ‘southern cow belt’.
During the SLFP coalition regime of 1970-1977, Tamil disquiet was rapidly increasing. The educational policies of Minister Badiuddin Mahmud, which was dominated by two nationalist extremists – Udugama and Sumathipala as its top bureaucrats brought in policies designed to build up education in Sinhala rural areas which had been badly neglected by successive governments. This attempt at re-balancing education was at the expense of Tamils who had earlier benefited from widespread education.
During the Colonial period Christian Missionaries, particularly from the US, had introduced a system of education which was not bettered anywhere else in the island. Education had been the lifeline of the Tamils; their passport to employment and relief from the harsh, dry climate and water shortage which marked the peninsula.
The worst of these Udugama-Sumathipala fiats, as far as Tamil youth were concerned, was the introduction of ‘standardization of marks’ in determining entry to higher education provided by the state. Since due to socialist policies the state had a monopoly of education this decision appeared to be discriminatory of the minorities and the urban poor.
As Director of Combined Services during this time I sat on several committees to examine the effects of these policy shifts on the public service. At these meetings Parliamentarians representing urban electorates like Pieter Keuneman and Bernard Soysa opposed district wise quotas for higher education saying that urban poor children were no better off than the rural poor child and were unfairly discriminated against by the new educational laws.
But the rural based SLFP was in favour of ‘positive discrimination’. They argued not very convincingly that this policy would help rural Tamil students as well. But the stakes were too high to win over the Jaffna based students. They were now anyway skirmishing with the police who were mostly disaffected Sinhala lower orders sent on punishment transfer far away from their homes. The situation in Jaffna was a tinder box about to explode and the Tamil Parliamentarians were too scared to reach out to Sinhala leaders for a solution now that seniors like Chelvanayagam and Ponnambalam were no more.
The progressive alienation and radicalization of Tamil youth led to a stiffening of the attitudes of the Tamil Parliamentarians. This led to the landmark Vadukkodai declaration of the Tamil United Liberation Front of 1975. This declaration emphasized the concept of the North and East as the ‘homelands’ of the ‘Tamil speaking people’. Merging the North and East for the first time to make it a viable geographical entity necessitated the inclusion of the Muslims as part of the ‘Tamil speaking entity’ since the Muslims were in a majority in the East and together with the Sinhalese in the Eastern province formed a clear numerical majority over the Tamils.
It was the Vadukoddai ideology which was gaining ground when JRJ entered the scene. The stinging defeat of the SLFP in reality complicated the situation. If the SLFP had a greater number of MPs in Parliament after the 1977 election they would have constituted the main opposition. But with their abysmal defeat the Tamil United Liberation Front had a bigger member of MPs and JRJ, with great delight, helped in making the TULF leader Amirthalingam the leader of the Opposition.
But this fateful decision had many long term consequences. -Amirthalingam was known as a firebrand orator and an extremist. With the weight of office as the Leader of the Opposition his fire was doused. Though he tried to play the role of a national leader in his impassioned defence of Mrs. B, he naturally used his powers as Opposition leader to highlight the grievances of the Tamil people further polarizing the two main ethnic groups. Whereas, on the other hand, the SLFP deprived even of the consolation prize of Opposition leadership, had no hesitation in promoting Sinhala extremism in order to embarrass the UNP.
JRJ’s solution to this unhealthy state of affairs was worse than the disease. He unleashed Cyril Mathew as the UNP’s own Sinhala extremist. Mathew with the resources of the state behind him not only attacked Tamils he disliked but also attacked other opponents of the UNP like Madoluwawe ‘Sobhita and Ediriweera Sarathchandra which alienated a swathe of the Sinhala intelligentsia.
Mathew consolidated his position as a Sinhala hero by promoting goon squads drawn from Corporations under his care as the Minister of Industries. These goons were unleashed on the urban Tamils in August 1983 leading to an unprecedented communal holocaust which marked a point of no return. After 1983 JRJ downgraded Mathew but it was much too late. The UNP government was held up as being a promoter of state violence against Tamils.
Features
Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace
by Jehan Perera
There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.
Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.
The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.
Institutional Commitment
The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.
The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”
Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.
Local Action
The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.
A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.
Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.
Features
Quality assured education commodities
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.
Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?
Corporate speak
Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.
Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.
World Bank Trojan horse
Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.
The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.
The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.
The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.
Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.
In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.
Commodity fetishism
Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.
We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.
Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
Features
Thailand’s biggest new global star …
The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!
Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.
Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.
The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.
She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.
Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.
Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.
She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.
For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.
And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.
When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.
And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”
Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”
Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.
With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.
What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.
Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.
Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).
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