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Parliament divided over PSC probe on Siyatha
Ex-top House official says govt. move meant to suppress all media
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) and Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB) yesterday (18) condemned a government move to appoint a seven-member Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to inquire into the conduct of Siyatha television.The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) didn’t respond to The Island query pertaining to the issue at hand.
Former Director (Administration) Parliament, Lacille de Silva, has alleged that Parliament was making an attempt to suppress the media as part of the overall measures to counter growing opposition to its agenda.The civil society activist claimed that the move to appoint a Select Committee to investigate infringement of parliamentary privileges, as a result of criticism of decisions taken by the President and Parliament to meet representatives of all parties represented in parliament, was nothing but a warning to both print and electronic media.
The former Secretary to the Yahapalana anti-corruption Presidential Commission said so, addressing the media on behalf of civil society group ‘People’s Tomorrow’ at the Centre for Society and Religion (CSR) in Maradana on Saturday (17).President Ranil Wickremesinghe convened an All-Party Conference (APC) on national reconciliation on 13 Dec., at the Presidential Secretariat.
Declaring his readiness to represent Siyatha at Select Committee proceedings, Lacille de Silva urged the other media to take up the issue at hand or be prepared to face the consequences. Responding to another query, de Silva said that civil society groups should vigorously take up this issue. “They can’t keep quiet. Foreign governments, which meddle in domestic affairs constantl, should also be concerned about this move.”
Education Minister Susil Premajayantha, who is the leader of the House, on Dec. 12 declared the appointment of the PSC.The Education Minister proposed a Select Committee of Parliament to investigate incidents of infringement of privileges of the Members of Parliament and of the Parliament and to make suitable recommendations in that
regard,— Whereas the President, the Prime Minister and the Members of Parliament agreed on 23 November 2022 on the floor of the House, to meet representatives of all parties and discuss the measures to solve the ethnic problems so that the people of the country can live as children of one mother and it is to be investigated whether the privileges of the Members of Parliament and of the Parliament have been infringed by the comments made in the programmes telecast by the Siyatha television channel on the 24, 25 and 27 of November 2022 in relation to that;
And whereas if the privileges of the Members of Parliament and of the Parliament have been infringed, it should be investigated into and suitable recommendations in that regard should be made;This Parliament resolves that a Select Committee of Parliament be appointed to investigate into the infringement of privileges of the Members Parliament and of the Parliament and to make suitable recommendations in that regard.
Lawmaker Premjayantha proposed that the Chair and Members of the Committee shall be appointed by the Speaker and that in terms of the provisions of Standing Order 101 of Parliament, the Committee shall consist of seven (07) Members.
The minister also proposed that the Committee shall have the power to—(a) fix its quorum; (b) summon any person to appear before it, to require any person to procure any document or record, to procure and receive all such evidence, written or oral, as the Committee may think it necessary for the fullest consideration of the matters referred to above;(c) Obtain the services of specialists and experts in the relevant fields to assist the Committee; and (d) Make interim reports from time to time and to sit notwithstanding any adjournment or prorogation of Parliament.
The Committee shall present its report to Parliament within a period of one month (01) from the first meeting of the Committee or within such further period as Parliament may grant.
Thamil Makkal Thesiya Kutani (TMTK) leader C.V. Wigneswaran said that perhaps those in authority should have called for a meeting with the relevant Siyatha journalist and the management before the appointment of the Select Committee. The former Supreme Court judge said so when The Island sought his response to the announcement made by the Leader of the House. Jaffna District lawmaker Wigneswaran said that he was not consulted on the appointment of the Select Committee.
Lacille de Silva said that the declaration made by Leader of the House Premjayantha was meant to intimidate the entire media. Declaring that Premajayantha spoke on behalf of the government, the ex-House official asked political parties and groups other than the SLPP and UNP to state their position on this issue.
Would they join the proposed seven-member Select Committee, de Silva asked.In response to The Island query, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa issued the following statement: “We consider the move to investigate views expressed by Siyatha ‘telewakiya’ an attempt to suppress the media. We condemn the attempt to utilize the Select Committee process to suppress the media.”
JJB MP Vijitha Herath said that the government move was not unacceptable at all. Lawmaker Herath warned that this was part of the government strategy. “Telewekiya has attracted quite significant public attraction and the government seems obviously concerned about widespread criticism of its strategies,” the JVPer said.The JVP boycotted the APC. MP Herath said that the national issue couldn’t be addressed by such endeavors. Referring to past APCs, the MP said that the government realized consensus on port-war national reconciliation couldn’t be achieved though it felt such efforts served propaganda purposes.
On 17 February, the Indian Navy posted a cheerful message on X.
“Welcome!” it wrote, greeting the Iranian warship Iris Dena as it steamed into the port of Visakhapatnam to join an international naval gathering.
Photographs showed sailors in crisp whites and a grey frigate gliding in the sea harbour on a clear day. The hashtags spoke of “Bridges of Friendship” and “United Through Oceans”.
Two weeks later the ship, carrying 130 sailors, lay at the bottom of the Indian Ocean. It had been torpedoed by a US submarine off Sri Lanka’s southern coast on 4 March.
Commissioned in 2021, the Dena was a relatively new vessel – a Moudge-class frigate of Iran’s Southern Fleet, which patrols the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman.
According to US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, the vessel “thought it was safe in international waters” but instead “died a quiet death”. Rescue teams from Sri Lanka have recovered at least 87 bodies. Only 32 sailors survived.
The sinking marks a dramatic widening of the war between America, Israel and Iran. And, though it occurred in international waters of the Indian Ocean and outside India’s jurisdiction, it is an awkward moment for Delhi.
“The war has come to our doorsteps. That is not a good thing,” says retired Vice Admiral Arun Kumar Singh.
For some strategists, the episode carries broader implications for India’s regional standing.
Indian strategic affairs expert Brahma Chellaney wrote on X that the US torpedoing of the Iranian warship in India’s “maritime neighbourhood” was “more than a battlefield episode” – calling it a “strategic embarrassment” for Delhi.
“By sinking a vessel returning from an Indian-hosted multilateral exercise, Washington effectively turned India’s maritime neighbourhood into a war zone, raising uncomfortable questions about India’s authority in its own backyard,” Chellaney wrote.
Just days before its destruction, the Dena had been a diplomatic guest of the Indian Navy.
The ship had travelled to Visakhapatnam, a sun-washed port city on India’s east coast, to participate in the International Fleet Review 2026 and Exercise Milan, a large multilateral naval exercise meant to showcase India’s growing maritime leadership.
Seventy-four countries and 18 warships took part in the events, which Delhi described as a demonstration of its ambition to become the Indian Ocean’s “preferedsecurity partner”.
Visiting ships at such multilateral exercises usually do not carry a full combat load of live munitions, unless scheduled for a live-fire drill, according to Chellaney. Even during the sea phase, when drills and live firing take place, ships carry only tightly controlled ammunition limited to the specific exercises.
Singh, an invitee to the event, recalls seeing the warship and its Iranian sailors in Visakhapatnam just days before its fate changed.
“I saw the boys marching in front of me,” he says of the Iranian naval contingent during the parade along the seafront, just 10m away. “All young people. I feel very sad.”
He says on 21 February, the assembled ships – including the Iranian vessel – sailed out for the sea phase of Exercise Milan, scheduled to run until 25 February.
“What happened next is less clear: the ship may have returned to port or peeled away after exercises. Either way, the waters where it was later sunk – off Galle in Sri Lanka – lie only two to three days’ sailing from India’s east coast,” Singh says. What the ship was doing in the 10-12 days in between is not clear.
Singh, who has commanded submarines, believes the sequence leading up to the attack was probably straightforward.
The US, he notes, tracks vessels across the world’s oceans. “They would have known exactly when the ship left and where it was heading,” he says. A fourth of America’s submarine fleet of 65-70 is at sea at any given time, according to analysts.
According to the Indian Navy, the Iranian warship had been operating about 20 nautical miles west of Galle – roughly 23 miles (37km) – in waters that fall under Sri Lanka’s designated search-and-rescue zone.
The attack, Singh says, appears to have involved a single Mark-48 torpedo, a heavyweight weapon carrying about 650 pounds of high explosive, capable of snapping a ship in two. Video footage suggests the submarine may have fired from 3-4km away, around 05:30 local time.
The aftermath was grim and swift.
The warship reportedly sank within two to three minutes, leaving little time for rescue. “It’s a miracle they managed to send an SOS,” Singh says, which was picked up by the Sri Lanka Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre in Colombo.
According to the Indian Navy, a distress call from the Iranian warship was picked up by Colombo in the early hours of 4 March, triggering a regional search-and-rescue effort.
The navy said in a statement that Sri Lanka’s navy began rescue operations first, while India moved to assist later.
The Indian Navy deployed a long-range maritime patrol aircraft to support the search and kept another aircraft with air-droppable life rafts on standby.
A naval vessel already operating nearby reached the area by late afternoon. Another ship, which sailed from the southern Indian port city of Kochi to join the effort, continues to comb the waters for survivors and debris.
Under the Second Geneva Convention, countries at war are required to take “all possible measures” to rescue wounded or shipwrecked sailors after a naval attack. In practice, however, this duty applies only if a rescue can be attempted without putting the attacking vessel in serious danger.
Singh says submarines are rarely able to help.
“Submarines don’t surface,” he says. “If you surface and give up your position, someone else can sink you.”
Singh suspects the speed of the sinking – and possibly sparse shipping in the area at the time – meant few nearby vessels could respond. “A ship breaking up that fast leaves almost no chance,” he says.
In a shooting war, Singh says, the legal position is blunt.
Fighting between the United States and Iran had been under way since 28 February, with claims that 17 Iranian naval vessels had already been destroyed.
“When a shooting war is on, any ship of a belligerent country becomes fair game,” he says.
Many questions remain. Why was the Iranian warship still in waters near Sri Lanka nearly two weeks after leaving India’s naval exercise? Was it heading home, or on another mission? And how long had the US submarine been tracking it before firing?
For Delhi, the episode is diplomatically awkward.
India has drawn closer to Washington on defence while maintaining long-standing political and economic ties with Tehran – a balancing act the war has made harder.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called broadly for “dialogue and diplomacy” to resolve conflicts, but has neither addressed the sinking of the Iranian vessel directly nor criticised the American strike.
Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described the attack as “an atrocity at sea” and stressed that the frigate had been “a guest of India’s Navy”. Meanwhile Sri Lanka has taken control of another Iranian naval vessel off its coast after an engine failure forced it to seek port, a day after the US attack.
The episode has nonetheless sparked debate within India’s strategic community.
Kanwal Sibal, a veteran diplomat, argued that India’s responsibility may not be legal, but it is moral.
“The Iranian ship would not have been where it was had India not invited it to the Milan exercise,” he wrote on X. “A word of condolence at the loss of lives of those who were our invitees would be in order.”
Others like Chellaney have framed the issue in more strategic terms.
He described the strike as a blow to India’s maritime diplomacy. The torpedoing of the frigate in “India’s maritime backyard”, he argued, punctured Delhi’s carefully cultivated image as a “preferred security partner” in the Indian Ocean.
“In one torpedo strike, American hard power has punctured India’s carefully cultivated soft power,” says Chellaney.
As the debate gathered pace in strategic circles, India’s official response remained cautious.
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said on X that he had held a telephone conversation with Araghchi, and also posted a photograph of a meeting with Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed Khatibzadeh at a foreign policy summit in Delhi.
For military historian Srinath Raghavan, the legal position is clear: once the Iranian vessel left India’s shores, Delhi had no formal responsibility.
The strategic message, however, is harder to ignore.
“First, the spreading geography of this war. Second, India’s limited ability to manage its fallout,” says Raghavan.
“Indeed, the US Navy has fired a shot across the bow aimed at all regional players, including India.”
[BBC]
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Heat Index at ‘Caution Level’ in the Sabaragamuwa province and, Colombo, Gampaha, Kurunegala, Anuradhapura, Vavuniya, Hambanthota and Monaragala districts
Warm Weather Advisory Issued by the Natural Hazards Early Warning Centre of the Department of Meteorology at 3.30 p.m. on 06 March 2026, valid for 07 March 2026.
The public are warned that the Heat index, the temperature felt on human body is likely to increase up to ‘Caution level’ at some places in the Sabaragamuwa province and in Colombo, Gampaha, Kurunegala, Anuradhapura, Vavuniya, Hambantota and Monaragala districts.
The Heat Index Forecast is calculated by using relative humidity and maximum temperature and is the condition that is felt on your body. This is not the forecast of maximum temperature. It is generated by the Department of Meteorology for the next day period and prepared by using global numerical weather prediction model data.
Effect of the heat index on human body is mentioned in the above table and it is prepared on the advice of the Ministry of Health and Indigenous Medical Services.
ACTION REQUIRED
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Indoors: Check up on the elderly and the sick.
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Outdoors: Limit strenuous outdoor activities, find shade and stay hydrated.
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Prompt solutions will be provided for the salary anomalies prevailing within the teacher and principal services — PM
Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya stated that the government has paid close attention to the salary anomalies prevailing within the teacher and principal services and that prompt solutions will be provided following extensive discussions held with trade unions.
The Prime Minister made these remarks while responding to questions raised in Parliament on Friday (06).
Presenting data on existing vacancies in the education sector, the Prime Minister explained the current situation.
There are 903 vacancies existing in the Sri Lanka Education Administrative Service (SLEAS) and 3,790 vacancies in Sri Lanka Principals’ Service (SLPS).
In order to fill the vacancies which still remain due to various reasons, including selected officers not accepting appointments after the examinations and interviews conducted since 2021, interviews are scheduled to be held in the second week of March 2026.
Further, in order to fill the vacancies for the years 2021 and 2025, competitive examinations will be conducted in the future with the approval of the Public Service Commission.
At present, entry into the Principals’ Service is considered as a new recruitment. As a solution to the salary-related issue arising in this regard, a new Cabinet paper is being prepared seeking approval to consider appointments to the Principals’ Service as a promotion, thereby enabling appropriate salary conversion.
The Prime Minister also emphasized that sustainable solutions are required not only for salary issues in the education sector but also for salary-related concerns in several other sectors. Accordingly, the government plans to appoint a new Salary Commission. Through this commission, the government expects to provide lasting solutions to the issues faced by teachers and principals within this year.
In accordance with the service minute of the Principals’ Service, several training programmes have been made mandatory for the professional development of principals.
These include, Induction training at the beginning of service, capacity development training prior to promotion to Grade II and Grade I, and periodic awareness programmes conducted at provincial and zonal levels.
The Prime Minister further stated that discussions are undertaking with the Department of Management Services regarding the proposals submitted by principals’ associations. Based on the responses received, the government is prepared to take the necessary steps through the Cabinet of Ministers.
[Prime Minister’s Media Division]
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