Features
President turns ‘amysterious’, politics turns acrimonious, economy left in limbo

by Rajan Philips
The Island editorial on Thursday wondered whether the current debate in parliament is on Budget (2023) or Buddhism. What is beyond wondering is that there is no mention of the country’s economy in the ongoing committee stage debate after the very comfortable passage of the vote on the Second Reading of the 2023 Budget. The President is adding fiery spices to the debate by his frequent participation in the debate and dropping baits all around for his detractors to pick up and run wild. Ranil Wickremesinghe has opened a new track in Sri Lankan politics as a ‘parliamentary president.’
Sajith Premadasa is showing himself to be a glutton for argument along with his penchant for wide ranging quotations all the way from Keynesian equations to Buddhist Suttas. Even Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who made an impressively substantial speech on the country’s economic woes and corruption curses at a recent public meeting in Badulla, has been reticent on these matters in parliament. He too waded into the holy waters of Suttas in parliament, according to The Island.
Buddhism may have been the only enlightened distraction in the budget deliberations, and one that allowed Buddhist MPs to put their religiosity on public display. There were plenty of other distractions that reduced politics to its sordid worst and provoked MPs into acrimonious arguments. For all his calm equanimity, the President seems to be getting hot under his collar every time someone reminds him that he owes his presidency to Aragalaya. He denies and contends that he owes it to the constitution. Really?
From Crisis to Putting Down
Is it the constitution that required Mahinda Rajapaksa to resign and Gotabaya Rajapaksa to invite Ranil Wickremesinghe to be Prime Minister? Is it the constitution that forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa to appoint Ranil Wickremesinghe as Acting President, before fleeing and then resigning? Resignations and appointments were all consistent with the constitution, but they were not required or caused by the constitution. The last time someone made a silly non-constitutional argument like this was when Wimal Weerawansa crowed that “it is our constitutional duty” to impeach Shirani Bandaranayake. Ranil Wickremesinghe knows better even though he took a cynical and lighthearted approach to the impeachment of a Chief Justice. Now he is talking constitution.
After he became ‘crisis Prime Minister’ to Gotabaya Rajapaksa, it was reported that one of the conditions, if not the only one, insisted on by Ranil Wickremesinghe was that the government should take no action against Aragalaya protesters. From crisis Prime Minister, Mr. Wickremesinghe has graduated into a putdown President. Put down protesters on the streets and put down Sajith Premadasa in parliament. The President ignored interventions by others, notably by JVP/NPP’s Harini Amarasuriya who persisted in questioning the President how he could deny that he became Prime Minister and President only because of the protesters. Instead, he picked on Premadasa, a vulnerable target and taunted him with the letter that Premadasa had written to Gotabaya Rajapaksa expressing his willingness to become Prime Minister subject to certain conditions, one of which was that parliamentary elections should be called at the earliest possible opportunity. After the President finished, his attack dogs went after Premadasa in parliament.
The point in all this is why should the President get so defensive whenever he is not incorrectly reminded that he is where he is today because of Aragalaya? Why cannot he generously acknowledge the antecedents of his ascent to the highest office in the land, while at the same time cautioning that the country cannot afford endless protests in the economic situation that it has been shoved into? As well, why is it that he has not to-date tried to open a dialogue with protest delegations either directly or indirectly through accredited emissaries? That would go a long way in affirming his bona fides as a liberal democrat and an inclusive political leader than all the kite flying about starting a youth parliament or creating quotas for youth representation in parliament.
The even bigger point is that the President doesn’t have to stoop to anything low from the political high road that he can comfortably keep riding in the current circumstances. He could keep his focus and that of the country on the economy and on critical political initiatives which would generate more consensus than controversy among the people. That way he could build on the general goodwill that he is currently enjoying and the political capital that has come his way as a result of the fall of capital in the economy.
Goodwill and capital are ephemeral acquisitions in politics, and more so for a person like Ranil Wickremesinghe, who by most accounts is respected for his intelligence but otherwise unpopular as a politician. So too was his kinsman and mentor JR Jayewardene, but there is a difference. JRJ was also feared, but not Ranil Wickremesinghe whom everyone feels free to take a potshot at. RW has louder detractors than he has loud supporters, and they are already vigorously at work to undermine him after sitting on their hands while the Rajapaksas took the country to the cleaners. That he is now in bed with their beloved Rajapaksas makes no difference to their political bile.
Alternative Truths
Alternative-truth narratives are slowly emerging. Aragalaya was neither homegrown nor spontaneous. It was all the work of foreign money – precious dollars! Gotabaya Rajapaksa would still be in power if only he had gone to the IMF in December 2019. (Before or after slashing income taxes? Just asking). Organic fertilizer fiasco was not the President’s fault, but the result of faulty advice. (What about his judgment? Like the one that freed Duminda Silva from jail). The most creative of them all is that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had his hands tied from controlling Aragalaya by the United States of America. (What happened to patriotism?) And Ambassador Julie Chung’s statement was enough to restrain the army and the police from containing the violent backlashes on May 9 afternoon in retaliation to the morning attacks on the Galle Face protesters by Rajapakasa goons let loose from Temple Tress. Who inspired Temple Trees, Beijing? Does anything originate in Sri Lanka without a foreign hand? So much for sovereignty.
No one has connected the imaginary dots to directly accuse Ranil Wickremesinghe that he is part of a grand US or Western plan that got rid of the Rajapaksas and installed him in power. Making a statement during the budget debate, Mahinda Rajapaksa drew half of the conspiracy circle, alluding to forces who created the crisis and organized the economic collapse. Yes, Sri Lanka’s economic collapse is a wholly “man-made and voluntary economic crisis,” as Prof. Mick Moore of the University of Sussex has described it. But the men who made it are members of the Rajapaksa family and their corteges. Not any other forces, internal or external.
I said Mahinda Rajapaksa drew only half a circle, because he could not start the other half without crashing into Ranil Wickremesinghe. The Rajapaksas are in no position to implicate Ranil Wickremesinghe in any conspiracy. If at all, Ranil-Rajapaksa might be a conspiracy. As President, Ranil Wickremesinghe has done what Gotabaya Rajapaksa did not do. He let loose the army and the police on protesters to clear public spaces, and he drew criticism from the West including the US Ambassador in Colombo. He rebuffed them, and for that he earned the praise of that venerable patriot Gunadasa Amarasekara. Lesser patriots may yet take a different route and implicate Ranil Wickremesinghe in one or another conspiracy theories against Sri Lanka.
That is the paradox of being Ranil Wickremesinghe in Sri Lankan politics. Now more so, than ever before. He benefits from a general sense in the country (some might say only in Colombo), that he is better than everyone else in parliament to lead Sri Lanka’s economic recovery. At the same time, he has an implacable body of detractors who are dead set against him as an untrustworthy 21st century version of Sri Lanka’s 20th Century Fox. Yankee Dick. JRJ. Who else? Unlike JR, RW has cultivated an image as a liberal democrat, minority friendly, and human rights defender. For that reason, the nationalists suspect him and make his relationship with the army appear to be more tenuous than what it really might be. His placating the army and berating the protesters is not going to overly please his detractors, or save him from becoming a victim of their new counter-aragalaya, alternative-truth narratives.
Election Scenarios
There is politics in the country and there is politics in parliament. The linkages between the two have never been so sparse as they are now. Parliament failed miserably when it failed to channel the momentum created by Aragalaya out on the streets into the institutional structures on the arena of the state. The President who is a beneficiary of the protests is also an electee of parliament and not elected by the people. That in itself is not a problem and it is also constitutional. The problem arises when the President asserts only his constitutionality and ignores the equally vital need for political credibility. And it arises when the President tries to yank the country towards what he thinks is best for the people instead of yanking himself to align with what the people indicate they most need at the moment.
The political parties in parliament are as ineffective now as they were during the protests. The opposition parties are all relying on an early election whereas the SLPPers in government would prefer to complete their full term before facing the people or running away from them.
As I wrote last week, the President is sitting pretty and that assessment holds more on account of the political dynamic in parliament than the more diverse political currents in the country. The opposition calls for early elections are also intended to gamble on the political uncertainties in the country rather than bide their time till elections are called as they come due. With the President saying that he is not going to prematurely dissolve parliament for an early election, there would be pressure on him not to delay the local government elections which are due next year.
Here again the President is unnecessarily complicating matters for himself and for the management of the economy by not forthrightly committing his support for the local elections to go ahead at the lawful discretion of the Election Commission. Ideally, and as the Head of State, President Wickremesinghe should stay neutral and not involve himself in the local elections in any way. That would keep him above the fray and on the high road no matter who wins or loses the elections. On the other hand, he would immeasurably hurt his credibility as a ‘crisis President’ if he were to lead the UNP campaign in the election or form a desperate alliance with even more desperate Basil Rajapaksa.
Last week, I got carried away by election speculations and alluded to the possibility that the President might opt to have early presidential and parliamentary elections together any time after November 16, 2023. I was going by news reports that an early presidential election might be called using the constitutional provision to call such an election four years after the last presidential election. I was immediately corrected by an email from Rohan Edrisinha, academic and constitutional scholar, that the current President cannot call an early presidential election because under the Third Amendment, which created the provision for early presidential elections, a person becoming President by virtue of being elected by parliament to fill a presidential vacancy, is not entitled to use that provision.
In other words, President Wickremesinghe cannot call a presidential election before the end of the five year term for which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected in November 2019. On the other hand, if Mr. Wickremesinghe were to decide to be a candidate in the presidential election after two years from now, he could still dissolve parliament and call for the two elections to be held concurrently. I wrote last week that November 2023 would be an eternity in politics. November 2024 would be an even longer eternity. And there is still a week left, itself a long time in politics, for more budget debate before the Third Reading on December 8.
Hopefully, the remainder of the debate will involve serious economics instead of political acrimony. Hopefully, as well, someone like Anura Kumara Dissanayake will force the new parliamentary President to update parliament, and the country, on the status of IMF assistance, debt restructuring, food supplies, fuel procurement, electricity tariffs, and the President’s assessment of the extent of corruption in his government and what he proposes to do about it. All of which have been glaringly left out of the budget.
Features
Democracy faces tougher challenges as political Right beefs-up presence

It is becoming increasingly evident that the democracy-authoritarianism division would be a major polarity in international politics going forward. It shouldn’t come as a surprise if quite a few major states of both East and West gain increasing inspiration from the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ under President Donald Trump from now on and flout the core principles of democratic governance with impunity.
It is the political Right that would gain most might in this evolving new scheme of things. Whether it be the US itself, France, Israel or Turkey, to name just a few countries in the news, it is plain to see that the Right is unleashing its power with hardly a thought for the harm being done to key democratic institutions and norms.
In fact, Donald Trump and his Republican hard liners led from the front, so to speak, in this process of unleashing the power of the Right in contemporary times. It remains a very vital piece of history that the Right in the US savaged democracy’s most valued institutions on January 6, 2021, when it ran amok with the tacit backing of Trump in the US Capitol.
What was being challenged by the mob most was the ‘will of the people’ which was manifest in the latter’s choice of Joe Biden as US President at the time. To date Trump does not accept that popular verdict and insists that the election in question was a flawed one. He does so in the face of enlightened pronouncements to the contrary.
The US Right’s protégé state, Israel, is well on course to doing grave harm to its democratic institutions, with the country’s judiciary being undermined most. To cite two recent examples to support this viewpoint, the Israeli parliament passed a law to empower the country’s election officials to appoint judges, while Prime Minister Netanyahu has installed the new head of the country’s prime security agency, disregarding in the process a Supreme Court decision to retain the former head.
Such decisions were made by the Netanyahu regime in the face of mounting protests by the people. While nothing new may be said if one takes the view that Israel’s democratic credentials have always left much to be desired, the downgrading of a democratic country’s judiciary is something to be sorely regretted by democratic opinion worldwide. After all, in most states, it is the judiciary that ends up serving the best interests of the people.
Meanwhile in France, the indications are that far Right leader Marine Le Pen would not be backing down in the face of a judicial verdict that pronounces her guilty of corruption that may prevent her from running for President in 2027. She is the most popular politician in France currently and it should not come as a surprise if she rallies further popular support for herself in street protests. Among other things, this will be proof of the growing popular appeal of the political Right. Considering that France has been a foremost democracy, this is not good news for democratic opinion.
However, some heart could be taken from current developments in the Gaza and Turkey where the people are challenging their respective dominant governing forces in street protests largely peacefully. In the Gaza anti-Hamas protests have broken out demanding of the group to step down from power, while in Turkey, President Erdogan’s decades-long iron-fist rule is being challenged by pro-democracy popular forces over the incarceration of his foremost political rival.
Right now, the Turkish state is in the process of quashing this revolt through a show of brute force. Essentially, in both situations the popular demand is for democracy and accountable governance and such aims are generally anathema in the ears of the political Right whose forte is repressive, dictatorial rule.
The onus is on the thriving democracies of the world to ensure that the Right anywhere is prevented from coming to power in the name of the core principles and values of democracy. Right now, it is the European Union that could fit into this role best and democratic opinion is obliged to rally behind the organization. Needless to say, peaceful and democratic methods should be deployed in this historic undertaking.
Although the UN is yet to play an effective role in the current international situation, stepped up efforts by it to speed up democratic development everywhere could yield some dividends. Empowerment of people is the goal to be basically achieved.
Interestingly, the Trump administration could be seen as being in league with the Putin regime in Russia at present. This is on account of the glaringly Right wing direction that the US is taking under Trump. In fact, the global balance of political forces has taken an ironic shift with the hitherto number one democracy collaborating with the Putin regime in the latter’s foreign policy pursuits that possess the potential of plunging Europe into another regional war.
President Trump promised to bring peace to the Ukraine within a day of returning to power but he currently is at risk of cutting a sorry figure on the world stage because Putin is far from collaborating with his plans regarding Ukraine. Putin is promising the US nothing and Ukraine is unlikely to step down from the position it has always held that its sovereignty, which has been harmed by the Putin regime, is not negotiable.
In fact, the China-Russia alliance could witness a firming-up in the days ahead. Speculation is intense that the US is contemplating a military strike on Iran, but it would face strong opposition from China and Russia in the event of such an adventurist course of action. This is on account of the possibility of China and Russia continuing to be firm in their position that Western designs in the Gulf region should be defeated. On the other hand, Iran could be expected to hit back strongly in a military confrontation with the US.
Considering that organizations such as the EU could be expected to be at cross-purposes with the US on the Ukraine and connected questions, the current world situation could not be seen as a replication of the conventional East-West polarity. The East, that is mainly China and Russia, is remaining united but not so the West. The latter has broadly fragmented into a democratic states versus authoritarian states bipolarity which could render the international situation increasingly unstable and volatile.
Features
Chikungunya Fever in Children

Chikungunya fever, a viral disease transmitted by mosquitoes, poses a significant health concern, particularly for children. It has been around in Sri Lanka sporadically, but there are reports of an increasing occurrence of it in more recent times. While often associated with debilitating joint pain in adults, its manifestations in children can present unique challenges. Understanding the nuances of this disease is crucial for effective management and prevention.
Chikungunya fever is caused by the chikungunya virus (CHIKV), an alphavirus transmitted to humans through the bites of infected Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes. These are the same mosquitoes that transmit dengue and Zika viruses, highlighting the overlapping risks in many areas of the world. It is entirely possible for chikungunya and dengue to co-circulate in the same area, leading to co-infections in individuals.
When a mosquito bites a person infected with CHIKV, it ingests the virus. After a period of growth and multiplication of the virus within the mosquito, the virus can be transmitted to another person through subsequent bites. Therefore, the mosquito acts as a vector or an intermediate transmitting agent that spreads the disease, but not as a reservoir of the disease. The spread of chikungunya is influenced by environmental factors that support mosquito breeding, such as stagnant water and warm climates. Urbanization and poor sanitation can exacerbate the problem by creating breeding grounds for these mosquitoes.
The clinical presentation of chikungunya in children can vary, ranging from mild to severe. While some infected children may even be asymptomatic and be normal for all intents and purposes, others can experience a range of symptoms, including a sudden onset of high fever, a common initial symptom. Pain in the joints of the body, while being a hallmark of chikungunya in adults, may be less pronounced in children. However, they can still experience significant discomfort and this must be kept in mind during processes of diagnosis and treatment. It is also important to remember that joint pains can present in various forms, as well as in different locations of the body. There is no characteristic pattern or sites of involvement of joints. Muscle aches and pains can accompany the fever and joint pain as well. A headache, too, could occur at any stage of the disease. Other symptoms may include nausea, vomiting, and fatigue as well.
A reddish elevated rash, referred to in medical jargon as a maculopapular rash, is frequently observed in children, sometimes more so than in adults. While chikungunya is known to cause such a rash, there is a specific characteristic related to nasal discoloration that is worth noting. It is called the “Chik sign” or “Brownie nose” and refers to an increased darkening of the skin, particularly on the nose. This discolouration just appears and is not associated with pain or itching. It can occur during or after the fever, and it can be a helpful clinical sign, especially in areas with limited diagnostic resources. While a generalised rash is a common symptom of chikungunya, a distinctive darkening of the skin on the nose is a particular characteristic that has been observed.
In some rare instances, particularly in infants and very young children, chikungunya can lead to neurological complications, such as involvement of the brain, known as encephalitis. This is associated with a change in the level of alertness, drowsiness, convulsions and weakness of limbs. Equally rarely, some studies indicate that children can experience bleeding tendencies and haemorrhagic manifestations more often than adults.
Diagnosis is typically made through evaluating the patient’s symptoms and medical history, as well as by special blood tests that can detect the presence of CHIKV antibodies (IgM and IgG) or the virus itself through PCR testing.
There is no specific antiviral treatment for chikungunya. Treatment focuses on relieving symptoms and allowing the body to recover on its own. Adequate rest is essential for recovery, and maintaining hydration is crucial, especially in children with fever. Paracetamol in the correct dosage can be used to reduce fever and pain. It is important to avoid aspirin, as it can increase the risk of a further complication known as Reye’s syndrome in children. In severe cases, hospitalisation and supportive care may be necessary.
While most children recover from chikungunya without any major issues, some may experience long-term sequelae. Joint pain can persist for months or even years in some individuals, impacting their quality of life. In rare cases, chikungunya can lead to chronic arthritis. Children that have suffered from neurological complications can have long term effects.
The ultimate outcome or prognosis for chikungunya in children is generally favourable. Most children recover fully within a few days or a couple of weeks. However, the duration and severity of symptoms can vary quite significantly.
Prevention is key to controlling the spread of chikungunya. Mosquito control is of paramount importance. These include eliminating stagnant water sources where mosquitoes breed, using mosquito repellents, wearing long-sleeved clothing and pants, using mosquito nets, especially for young children and installing protective screens on windows and doors. While a chikungunya vaccine is available, its current use is mainly for adults, especially those traveling to at risk areas. More research is being conducted for child vaccinations.
Chikungunya outbreaks can strain healthcare systems and have significant economic consequences. Public health initiatives aimed at mosquito control and disease surveillance are crucial for preventing and managing outbreaks.
Key considerations for children are that some of them, especially infants and young children, are more vulnerable to severe chikungunya complications and early diagnosis and supportive care are essential for minimising the risk of long-term sequelae. Preventing mosquito bites is the most effective way to protect children from chikungunya. By understanding the causation, clinical features, treatment, and prevention of chikungunya, parents, caregivers, and healthcare professionals can work together to protect children from this illness that could sometimes be quite debilitating.
Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health and Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal
Founder President, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians – 1996-97)
Features
The Great and Little Traditions and Sri Lankan Historiography

Power, Culture, and Historical Memory:
(Continued from yesterday)
Newton Gunasinghe, a pioneering Sri Lankan sociologist and Marxist scholar, made significant contributions to the study of culture and class in Sri Lanka by incorporating the concepts of great and little traditions within an innovative Marxist framework. His theoretical synthesis offered historians a fresh perspective for evaluating the diversity of past narratives.
At the same time, Michel Foucault’s philosophical intervention significantly influenced the study of historical knowledge. In particular, two of his key concepts have had a profound impact on the discipline of history:
1. The relationship between knowledge and power – Knowledge is not merely an objective truth but a manifestation of the power structures of its time.
2. The necessity of considering the ‘other’ in any conceptual construction – Every idea or framework takes shape in relation to its opposite, highlighting the duality inherent in all intellectual constructs.
These concepts challenged historians to rethink their approaches, prompting them to explore the dynamic interplay between knowledge, power, and culture. The existence of Little Tradition prompted historians to pay attention to ‘other’ histories.
The resurgence of ethnic identities and conflicts has brought renewed attention to the dichotomy of culture, steering the discourse in a new direction. The ethnic resurgence raises three key issues. First, the way non-dominant cultures interpret the past often differs from the narratives produced by dominant cultures, prompting the question: What is historical truth? Second, it underscores the importance of studying the histories of cultural identities through their own perspectives. Finally, and most importantly, it invites reflection on the relationship between ‘Little Traditions’ and the ‘Great Tradition’—how do these ‘other’ histories connect to broader historical narratives?
When the heuristic construct of the cultural dichotomy is applied to historical inquiry, its analytical scope expands far beyond the boundaries of social anthropology. In turn, it broadens the horizons of historical research, producing three main effects:
1. It introduces a new dimension to historical inquiry by bringing marginalised histories to the forefront. In doing so, it directs the attention of professional historians to areas that have traditionally remained outside their scope.
2. It encourages historians to seek new categories of historical sources and adopt more innovative approaches to classifying historical evidence.
3. It compels historians to examine the margins in order to gain a deeper understanding of the center.
The rise of a new theoretical school known as Subaltern Studies in the 1980s provided a significant impetus to the study of history from the perspective of marginalised and oppressed groups—those who have traditionally been excluded from dominant historical narratives and are not linked to power and authority. This movement sought to challenge the Eurocentric and elitist frameworks that had long shaped the study of history, particularly in the context of colonial and postcolonial societies. The writings of historians such as Ranajit Guha and Eric Stokes played a pioneering role in opening up this intellectual path. Guha, in particular, critiqued the way history had been written from the perspective of elites—whether colonial rulers or indigenous upper classes—arguing that such narratives ignored the agency and voices of subaltern groups, such as peasants, laborers, and tribal communities.
Building upon this foundation, several postcolonial scholars further developed the critical examination of power, knowledge, and representation. In her seminal essay Can the Subaltern Speak?, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak questioned whether marginalized voices—especially those of subaltern women—could truly be represented within dominant intellectual and cultural frameworks, or whether they were inevitably silenced by hegemonic. Another major theorist in this field, Homi Bhabha, also focused on the relationship between knowledge and social power relations. His analysis of identity formation under colonialism revealed the complexities of power dynamics and how they persist in postcolonial societies.
Together, these scholars significantly reshaped historical and cultural studies by emphasising the voices and experiences of those previously ignored in dominant narratives. Their work continues to influence contemporary debates on history, identity, and the politics of knowledge production.
The Sri Lankan historiography from very beginning consists of two distinct yet interrelated traditions: the Great Tradition and the Little Traditions. These traditions reflect different perspectives, sources, and modes of historical transmission that have influenced the way Sri Lanka’s past has been recorded and understood. The Great Tradition refers to the formal, written historiography primarily associated with elite, religious, and state-sponsored chronicles. The origins of the Great Tradition of historiography directly linked to the introduction of Buddhism to the island by a mission sent by Emperor Asoka of the Maurya dynasty of India in the third century B.C. The most significant sources in this tradition include the Mahāvaṃsa, Dīpavaṃsa, Cūḷavaṃsa, and other Buddhist chronicles that were written in Pali and Sanskrit. These works, often compiled by Buddhist monks, emphasise the island’s connection to Buddhism, the role of kingship, and the concept of Sri Lanka as a sacred land linked to the Buddha’s teachings. The Great Tradition was influenced by royal patronage and aimed to legitimise rulers by presenting them as protectors of Buddhism and the Sinhala people.
In contrast, the Little Tradition represents oral histories, folk narratives, and local accounts that were passed down through generations in vernacular languages such as Sinhala and Tamil. These traditions include village folklore, ballads, temple stories, and regional histories that were not necessarily written down but played a crucial role in shaping collective memory. While the Great Tradition often portrays a centralised, Sinhala-Buddhist perspective, the Little Tradition captures the diverse experiences of various communities, including Tamils, Muslims.
What about the history of those who are either unrepresented or only marginally represented in the Great Tradition? They, too, have their own interpretations of the past, independent of dominant narratives. Migration from the four corners of the world did not cease after the 3rd century BC—so what about the cultural traditions that emerged from these movements? Can we reduce these collective memories solely to the Sokari Nadagams?
The Great Traditions often celebrate the history of the ruling or majority ethnic group. However, Little Traditions play a crucial role in preserving the historical memory and distinct identities of marginalised communities, such as the Vedda and Rodiya peoples. Beyond caste history, Little Traditions also reflect the provincial histories and historical memories of peripheral communities. Examples include the Wanni Rajawaliya and the Kurunegala Visthraya. The historical narratives presented in these sources do not always align with those of the Great Tradition.
The growth of caste histories is a key example of Little Historical Traditions. Jana Wansaya remains an important source in this context. After the 12th century, many non-Goigama castes in Sri Lanka preserved their own oral historical traditions, which were later documented in written form. These caste-based histories are significant because they provide a localised, community-centered perspective on historical developments. Unlike the dominant narratives found in the Great Tradition, they capture the social, economic, and cultural transformations experienced by different caste groups. For instance, the Karava, Salagama, and Durava castes have distinct historical narratives that have been passed down through generations.
Ananda S. Kulasuriya traced this historical tradition back to the formal establishment of Buddhism, noting that it continued even after the decline of the Polonnaruwa Kingdom. He identified these records as “minor chronicles” and classified them into three categories: histories of the Sangha and Sasana, religious writings of historical interest, and secular historical works. According to him, the first category includes the Pujavaliya, the Katikavatas, the Nikaya Sangrahaya, and the Sangha Sarana. The second category comprises the Thupavamsa, Bodhi Vamsa, Anagatha Vamsa, Dalada Sirita, and Dhatu Vamsa, along with the two Sinhalese versions of the Pali Hatthavanagalla Vihara Vamsa, namely the Ehu Attanagalu Vamsa and the Saddharma Ratnakaraya. The third category consists of works that focus more on secular events than religious developments, primarily the Rajavaliya. Additionally, this category includes the Raja Ratnakaraya and several minor works such as the Sulu Rajavaliya, Vanni Rajavaliya, Alakesvara Yuddhaya, Sri Lanka Kadaim Pota, Kurunegala Vistaraya, Buddharajavaliya, Bamba Uppattiya, Sulu Pujavaliya, Matale Kadaim Pota, Kula Nitiya, and Janavamsaya (Kulasuriya, 1978:5). Except for a few mentioned in the third category, all other works are products of the Great Historical tradition.
Over the last few decades, Gananath Obeyesekera has traversed the four corners of Sri Lanka, recovering works of the Little Historical Traditions and making them accessible for historical inquiry, offering a new lens through which to reread Sri Lankan history. Obeyesekera’s efforts to recover the Little Historical Traditions remind us that history is never monolithic; rather, it is a contested space where power, culture, and memory continuously shape our understanding of the past. By bringing the Little Historical Traditions into the fold of Sri Lankan historiography, Obeyesekera challenges us to move beyond dominant narratives and embrace a more pluralistic understanding of the past. The recovery of these traditions is not just an act of historical inquiry but a reminder that power shapes what we remember—and what we forget. Sri Lankan history, like all histories, is a dialogue between great and little traditions and it is to engage both of them. His latest work, The Doomed King: A Requiem for Sri Vikrama Rajasinghe, is a true testament to his re-reading of Sri Lankan history.
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