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Rise against state repression: A call to the people

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2022 has seen the most dramatic uprising of people against the government’s tyrannical rule since independence. Amidst a devastating economic crisis, the people raised their voices against corruption, misrule and economic mismanagement, demanding greater democracy. Instead of heeding the people’s call for change in the political culture and economic accountability, the government has responded with repression. The state’s crackdown on protesters is intended to prevent the expression of public dissatisfaction with the administration, as well as the austerity measures it has imposed which are causing tremendous hardship and suffering.

We, the undersigned, call on the government to acknowledge the sovereignty of the people, to cease its persecution of protestors, and ensure the civil, political and economic rights of all citizens, especially of marginalised and vulnerable communities. The multiple, interconnected political and economic crises confronting us now cannot be resolved through a move towards greater authoritarianism but by the people’s continued involvement in the democratic space that has been created and by an administration willing to engage with its citizens.

The Security State

From its inception, state security and its repressive arms were key to the functioning of the Sri Lankan postcolonial state. The insurgencies in the south and the rise of militancy in the north and east, the protracted war that lasted almost 30 years, were used to legitimise the repressive arms of the state. The all-powerful executive presidency (1978) compounded matters by densely concentrating executive powers in one office, enabling swift authorisation of questionable laws and actions.

In 1979, the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was introduced, giving the government sweeping powers to arrest anyone without a warrant on the hazy grounds of their engaging in “unlawful activities” and detain them for up to 18 months without being produced before a court, and often incarcerating them for decades without a fair trial. Presented, debated and enacted in parliament within a single day, the PTA was a “temporary” measure to purportedly stem the tide of Tamil militancy. It was complemented by several other organised forms of repression. In addition to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), units like the police Special Task Force (STF), and the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID), paved the way for increased securitisation and militarisation of the state. In the long years of the war and unrest, militarisation seeped into the fabric of society.

Post War and Post Easter Bombings

The template for what we see today was shaped during the post-war years as well, as the state continued to target minorities. Instead of pursuing genuine reconciliation and power-sharing, the state reinforced its military apparatus in the north and east. This has allowed the retention of High Security Zones, preventing people from returning to their homes and livelihoods, and enabled land grabbing that is rationalised in the name of security or development. In the aftermath of the Easter bombings of April 2019, in which some 270 people lost their lives, anti-terror campaigns targeted Muslim youth. Terror and fear seized the Muslim community as they came under attack by the repressive arms of state security. The PTA was to arbitrarily arrest and confine persons known and unknown, on very flimsy charges. The arrest and detention of Hejaaz Hizbullah and Ahnaf Jazeem are only two cases in point of how the PTA is used in a gross violation of all concerns of justice.

An earlier development in this regard has drawn insufficient public attention. In compliance with UN Security Council Resolution No. 1373 calling on member states to take measures to curb terrorist activity, the Sri Lankan state drew up a list of names in 2020, identifying 300-odd persons as terror suspects. The overwhelming majority of those named in the list are Muslim and Tamil. Some were already behind bars during the period in which they are suspected of having engaged in suspicious activity. Persons included in the list undergo untold difficulties: they no longer enjoy access to their financial assets and have no indication of when they may expect to have such access again. They cannot seek legal redress because their financial assets are barred to them. They have trouble securing or holding on to employment due to the disrepute of being included in the list. They live under constant surveillance, with the threat of potential punitive measures despite the absence of any evidence of misconduct.

Bureau of Rehabilitation Bill

The Bureau of Rehabilitation Bill is the most recent in a series of laws that seek to sanction repression by the state and must not be viewed in isolation, but in the totality of a process we understand as securitisation of the state. The broad reach of the Bill allows for sending into compulsory detention “drug dependent persons, ex-combatants, members of violent extremist groups and any other group of persons” without necessarily citing sufficient cause for such action.

Even though the Supreme Court has ruled that “certain provisions” of the Bill are unconstitutional such as the reference to ‘ex-combatants’ and ‘any other persons’, the criminalisation of drug dependency that seems to be considered unproblematic suggests that the law itself should not be accepted without questioning. Its draconian features allow virtually any person to be sent into detention and it does not specify the procedure by which claims of drug abuse, past involvement in armed activity, and violent extremism may be reasonably established. It leaves space for the criminalisation of democratic activism that has characterised our recent past. The Bill in its entirety should be struck down.

The Current Moment of Repression

Today, person after person is being arrested and detained. The lens of surveillance has dramatically turned to those who are deemed central to the people’s movement of the Aragalaya. Those who have stood up to state violence, including students, are being picked off the streets and sent away, into the dark corners of detention.

We are staring into the gaping mouth of a police state. We have to reclaim our voice, and rise against all acts of repression and all legal manoeuvres that are designed to silence dissent, resistance and democratic action. This is the task at hand, where we citizens must reclaim the democratic space to put an end to authoritarian repression. It is through democratic participation, through dialogue, protests and the vote, that the tremendous economic and political crisis can be addressed in the interests of all the people of Sri Lanka.

Signed:

Ranil Abayasekara, formerly University of Peradeniya

Udari Abeyasinghe, University of Peradeniya

Asha L. Abeyasekera, formerly University of Colombo

M.M. Alikhan, University of Peradeniya

Liyanage Amarakeerthi, University of Peradeniya

Fazeeha Azmi, M. I., University of Peradeniya

Crystal Baines. formerly, University of Colombo

Navaratne Bandara Formerly University of Peradeniya

Visakesa Chandrasekaram, University of Colombo

Erandika de Silva, University of Jaffna

Nadeesh De Silva, the Open University of Sri Lanka

Nirmal Dewasiri, University of Colombo

Kanchuka Dharmasiri, University of Peradeniya

Priyan Dias, Emeritus Professor, University of Moratuwa

Avanka Fernando, University of Colombo

Priyantha Fonseka, University of Peradeniya

Savitri Goonesekere, Emeritus Professor, University of Colombo

Camena Guneratne, Open University of Sri Lanka

Dileni Gunewardena, University of Peradeniya

Farzana Haniffa, University of Colombo

Shyamani Hettiarachchi, University of Kelaniya

Gayathri Hewagama, Visiting Lecturer, University of Peradeniya

Charudaththe B. Illangasinghe, University of the Visual and Performing Arts

Prabhath Jayasinghe, University of Colombo

Theshani Jayasooriya, University of Peradeniya

M. W. A. P. Jayatilaka, Retired, University of Peradeniya

Barana Jayawardana, University of Peradeniya

Pavithra Jayawardena, University of Colombo

Ahilan Kadirgamar, University of Jaffna

Anushka Kahandagamage, formerly University of Colombo

Pavithra Kailasapathy, University of Colombo

Maduranga Kalugampitiya, University of Peradeniya

A. K. Karunarathne, University of Peradeniya

Madara Karunarathne, University of Peradeniya

Chulani Kodikara, Visiting Lecturer, Faculty of Graduate Studies, University of Colombo

Pradeepa Korale Gedara, University of Peradeniya

Savitri Nimal Kumar, University of Peradeniya

Ramya Kumar, University of Jaffna

Shamala Kumar, University of Peradeniya

Vijaya Kumar, Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya

Amal Kumarage, University of Moratuwa

Aminda Lakmal, University of Sri Jayewardenepura

Rohan Laksiri, University of Ruhuna

Abdul Haq Lareena, Sabaragamuwa University

Hasini Lecamwasam, University of Peradeniya

Kamala Liyanage, Professor Emerita, University of Peradeniya

Nethmie Liyanage, University of Peradeniya

Sachini Marasinghe, University of Peradeniya

Tharinda Mallawaarachchi, University of Colombo

Sudesh Mantillake, University of Peradeniya

Prabha Manuratne, University of Kelaniya

Mahim Mendis, Open University of Sri Lanka

Rumala Morel, University of Peradeniya

Sitralega Maunaguru, retired formerly Eastern University of Sri Lanka

Kethakie Nagahawatte, University of Colombo

Sabreena Niles, University of Kelaniya

M. A. Nuhman, formerly University of Jaffna

Gananath Obeyesekere, formerly University of Peradeniya

Ranjini Obeyesekere, formerly University of Peradeniya

Arjuna Parakrama, University of Peradeniya

Sasinindu Patabendige, University of Jaffna

Pradeep Peiris, University of Colombo

Kaushalya Perera, University of Colombo

Nicola Perera, University of Colombo

Ramindu Perera, The Open University of Sri Lanka

Ruhanie Perera, University of Colombo

Sampath Rajapaksa, University of Kelaniya

Ramesh Ramasamy, University of Peradeniya

Harshana Rambukwella, The Open University of Sri Lanka

Rajitha Ranasinghe, University of Peradeniya

Rupika Subashini Rajakaruna, University of Peradeniya

Aruni Samarakoon, University of Ruhuna

Athula Siri Samarakoon, The Open University of Sri Lanka

Dinesha Samararatne, University of Colombo

Unnathi Samaraweera, University of Colombo

T. Sanathanan, University of Jaffna

Samitha Senanayake, formerly University of Peradeniya

Kalana Senaratne, University of Peradeniya

Anusha Sivalingam, University of Colombo

H. Sriyananda, Emeritus Professor, the Open University of Sri Lanka

Sivamohan Sumathy, University of Peradeniya

Hiniduma Sunil Senavi, University of Sabaragamuwa

Esther Surenthiraraj, University of Colombo

V. Thevanesam, Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya

Dayapala Thiranagama, formerly University of Kelaniya

Mahendran Thiruvarangan, University of Jaffna

Deepika Udagama, University of Peradeniya

Ramila Usoof, University of Peradeniya

Jayadeva Uyangoda, Professor Emeritus in Political Science, University of Colombo

Vivimarie Vanderpoorten, Open University of Sri Lanka

Ruvan Weerasinghe, University of Colombo

Nira Wickramasinghe, formerly, University of Colombo

Ranjit Wijekoon, formerly University of Peradeniya

Dinuka Wijetunga, University of Colombo



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Opinion

Praise to ex-President Ranil Wickremesinghe!

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Ranil

In the despicable absence of an urgent practical response on the part of the JVP-Anura Kumara Dissanayake-led NPP government to the devastating 28th March earthquake in Myanmar, ex-president Ranil Wickremesinghe has made a very timely and sensible proposal regarding how to assist our disaster stricken fellow humans in that country. ex-president Wickremesinghe! Thank you very much for saving, at least to some extent, Sri Lanka’s still unsullied reputation as a sovereign state populated by a most humane and hospitable people. You have again demonstrated your remarkable ability to emerge as an able state level troubleshooter at critical moments, this time though, just by being a mentor. It is a pity that you don’t think of adopting a more universally acceptable, less anglophile version of principled politics that will endear  you to the general electorate and induce the true patriots of the country to elect you to the hot seat, where you will have the chance to show your true colours!

The ordinary people of Myanmar (formerly called Burma) are remarkably humble, polite and kind-hearted just like our fellow ordinary Sri Lankans. There’s a natural cultural affinity between us two peoples because we have been sharing the same Theravada Buddhist religious culture for many centuries, especially from the 4th century CE, when Buddhism started making gradual inroads into the Irrawaddy Valley through trade with India. Whereas Buddhism almost completely disappeared from India, it flourished in Sri Lanka and Burma. Nearly 88% of the 55 million present Myanmar population profess Buddhism, which compares to 72% of the 22 million population in Sri Lanka. Wickremesinghe has been mindful enough to take a glance at the historicity of close Myanmar-Sri Lanka relations. And he didn’t mince his words while giving some details.

At the beginning of his statement in this connection (which I listened to in a video today, April 1, 2025), Ranil Wickremesinghe said that our government has expressed its sorrow (but little else, as could be understood in the context). Countries near and far from Myanmar including even partly affected Thailand, and India, China, and distant Australia have already provided emergency assistance.  Referring to the special connection we have with Myanmar as a fellow Theravada Buddhist country, he said that both the Amarapura and Ramanna nikayas brought the vital higher ordination ritual from there. We must help Myanmar especially because of this historic relationship.

When an earthquake struck Nepal, the birthplace of the Buddha, in 2015, we sent an army team to assist. On that occasion, Sri Lanka was the second country to provide relief, India being the first, with China becoming the third country to come to Nepal’s help. Today, India, Thailand, Malaysia, China and Australia have dispatched aid by now.  Last year Sri Lanka gave 1 million US Dollars for Gazan refugees. We need to take a (meaningful) step now.

Wickremesinghe proposed that the army medical corps be sent to Myanmar immediately to set up a temporary hospital there. The necessary drugs and other materials may be collected from Buddhist and non-Buddhist donors in Colombo and other areas.

Emphasising the ancient friendly relationship between Sri Lanka and Myanmar, Wickremesinghe mentioned that King Alaung Sithu I (of the Pagan Dynasty, 1090-1167 CE) sent help to (Prince Keerthi who later became) King Vijayabahu the Great (1055-1110 CE) to defeat and drive away from the island the occupying Cholas after a 17 year long military campaign. The grateful Lankan monarch Vijayabahu, during his reign, offered the Thihoshin Pagoda (name meaning ‘Lord of Lanka’ pagoda, according to Wikipedia) and a golden Buddha image to the Myanmar king. (This pagoda is situated in Pakokku in the Magway region, which is one of the six regions affected by the recent earthquake. I am unable to say whether it remains undamaged. Though the monument was initiated during Vijayabahu’s lifetime, the construction was completed during the reign of King Alaung Sithu I {Wikipedia}).

Wickremesinghe, in his statement, added that it was after this that a strong connection between Sri Lanka and Myanmar started. In some Buddhist temples in Myanmar there are paintings by ancient Lankan painters, illustrating Jataka stories (Stories relating to different births of Buddha). Among these, Wickremesinghe mentioned, there is a painting depicting the duel between (the occupying Chola king of Anuradhapura) Elara and (his young native challenger from Ruhuna prince) Dutugemunu. (Although Wickremesinghe did not talk about it, a fact well known is that there is a copy of our Mahavamsa in Myanmar. In reporting the ex-president’s speech, I have added my own information and information from other sources. I have put this within parentheses)

Let’s hope President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is wise enough to derive some benefit from his predecessor’s mentoring in the name of our beloved Motherland.

Rohana R. Wasala

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Opinion

Assisting solar power debate in Cabinet

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Authors: Directors of Solar Village SDG CIC
www.solarvilllagesdg.org
I.M. Dharmadasa (Emeritus Professor), Nilmini Roelens (Solicitor) and Saroj Pathirana (Journalist)

The purpose of this article is to inform the Cabinet discussion on Solar Power proposed by the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB)

Net metering and the Prosumer

The CEB has put forward a motion to the Sri Lankan Cabinet which proposes to reduce the unit price payable under the various net metering schemes to the “prosumer” (the owner of a solar panel system).

A prosumer is a blend of producer and consumer, referring to individuals who both create and consume. This is based on the notion that most producers of electricity through self-owned solar panels generate more than double their own needs as consumers. It thus enables the prosumer to connect to the national grid and receive money on a pay back scheme from the CEB for the excess electricity they produce.

What is this debate about?

Currently there are four schemes.

The Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka explains the various schemes involving roof -top solar solutions thus under a heading published in October 2023 – Rooftop Solar PV Connection Schemes. The two most noteworthy schemes are the Net plus and the Net plus plus schemes.

https://www.pucsl.gov.lk/rooftop-solar-pv-connection-schemes/

Through the NET Plus Plus Scheme CEB regards the prosumer as a mini power plant holder which maximises roof top generation well beyond the prosumer’s own needs making maximum use of extra roof space. This would work well for schools and companies with large buildings. CEB used to pay Rs. 37 per unit to the prosumer for up to 500kW. This unit price was available between 26 October 2022 to 1 July 2024. However, as of 1 July 2024 the unit price was reduced to Rs. 27.

We understand the new CEB proposal to the cabinet is to scrap this scheme altogether.

In relation to the Net Plus scheme which is the more accessible and popular scheme for ordinary householders the current CEB proposal is to reduce the unit price even further to Rs. 19 for solar power systems generating less than 20 kW, whilst for those generating between 20 – 100 kW the unit pay back will be Rs.17 and those generating between 100 – 500 kW will receive Rs.15 per unit.

The installation costs of a 5-kW solar panel is now around Rs 1.0 million. The cost of solar panels has in fact come down over the years and the units are recyclable. The lifespan of a solar unit is expected to be in the region of 22 to 25 years. There are now over 300 active solar companies in Sri Lanka. This is a rapidly growing sector with the prospect of generating employment for tens of thousands of young Sri Lankans for many years to come as technicians, administrators and entrepreneurs. The potential advantages for the economy are extensive Sri Lanka’s growth of the renewable energy sector using freely available sunshine available virtually all year-round given the geographical proximity to the equator

It is not just about reducing the electricity bills of the prosumer. This green energy solution would also mean we avoid the heavy annual cost of the import of fossil fuels into Sri Lanka which very seriously affects its balance of payments each year. The unwarranted need for environmentally damaging energy sources like coal, diesel and nuclear (with its inherent dangers and enormous costs), etc., will lead to a meaningless downward spiral of more debt, enhanced climate risk and pollution.

The intermittency argument

The argument of intermittency of renewables is a misguided premise. Some may argue that seasonal variations of renewables such as solar or hydro power may make them unreliable. This can very easily be remedied by investment in a smart grid. This can be done by upgrading the existing transformers and grid lines. A policy decision would be required at cabinet level to advise the CEB to reinvest any profits for this purpose.

Green Hydrogen is the future

Solar generated power can be harnessed to invest in Green Hydrogen solutions which could mean that rather being an importer of fossil fuels, that the rest of the world is turning away from, Sri Lanka becomes an exporter of green hydrogen to countries in the northern hemisphere where sunshine is scarcer.

Picture what it could do to the Sri Lankan economy if, rather than being dependent on imports of polluting and expensive fuel which can exacerbate the climate crisis, we transform our island into an eco-tourist paradise and become an exporter of clean green hydrogen.

Green hydrogen is created by splitting water molecules into its components of Hydrogen and Oxygen. The hydrogen gas can be compressed and stored for export. The minimum voltage required for splitting the water molecule is about 1.50 Volts DC and scaling up and commercialisation is happening throughout the world currently.

Rebranding Sri Lanka as a renewable energy island

To limit imports of fossil fuels for automobiles, a policy decision at governmental level could provide concessions for electric cars for solar roof owners and encourage the use of solar powered charging stations. The annual cost of imports of petrol and diesel would reduce overtime as Sri Lanka encourages clean and green electric cars.

Whilst the rest of the world is turning to renewable energy with alacrity, Sri Lanka ought not turn to fossil fuel imports in breach of its commitments to the international community.

In 2015 Sri Lanka signed up to the United Nations 2030 Agenda. Ahead of the Paris Summit Sri Lanka set out its climate action plan which the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) stated “Countries have agreed that there will be no back-tracking in these national climate plans, meaning that the level of ambition to reduce emissions will increase over time.”

(https://unfccc.int/news/sri-lanka-submits-its-climate-action-plan-ahead-of-2015-paris-agreement)

Sri Lanka has a real opportunity to rebrand itself as a renewable energy island. This means moving towards the commitments made at UNFCC – COP25, Sri Lanka Country Statement in Madrid in December 2019:

“Sri Lanka recognises the importance of the role of COP and highlights the need to take effective and definitive steps for finalising the follow up actions of the Paris Agreement.

The rise of the global mean temperature and the resulting changes have created adverse impacts on key sectors of Sri Lanka, such as agriculture, forestry, biodiversity, marine and fisheries, tourism and energy (hydro power) sectors, leading to disastrous effects on its people, ecosystems and economy. According to official statistics from 2008 to 2018, droughts, floods and landslides have affected over 15 million people, and losses and damages resulting from these calamities have been borne by Sri Lanka’s national budget… Sri Lanka is committed to inclusive and participatory climate actions to ensure that affirmative actions are taken to address the vulnerabilities of climate change.“https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/SRILANKA_cop25cmp15cma2_HLS_EN.pdf

Why is reduction of the unit price a very regressive, harmful measure?

The reduction will discourage the use of clean renewable energy in favour of higher imports and a move towards dangerous and expensive sources of energy.

The consequences of a reduction of unit price will thus be far reaching beyond the loss to the prosumer.

Lithium battery storage options mean that even when the sun stops shining at night or in the wet season the solar panel produced energy can continue to be used. It is very likely that current solar companies will need to diversify to survive and move towards lithium battery storage solutions and inverters so that year long, 24-hour access to energy is available without recourse to the national grid for their customers. As individuals and institutions go off grid CEB’s income will dwindle in the long run as the private sector takes over.

Recommendations to the cabinet

We make the following recommendations to the Government of Sri Lanka:

(i) At present we have a fragile grid, and the CEB should strenuously endeavour to minimise energy leakages and improve the grid by replacing weak transformers and grid lines. Such continuous improvements will enable us to move towards a “Smart Grid” enabling absorption of large amounts of intermittent renewable energies like wind and solar.

(ii) At present we have ~1500 MW of renewables installed, comparable to hydroelectricity. When solar power is plentiful during the daytime, hydro power can be reduced simply by controlling the water flow without any technical difficulties. This is one way of assuring energy storage while balancing the grid energy.

(iii) Another solution for this is pumped-water storage plants. It is important to follow through with such measures which have now been under discussion for some time.

(iv) The future energy carrier is green hydrogen (GH) produced by electrolysing water using both wind and solar. A global Green Hydrogen revolution is taking place, and GH can be used to run vehicles using fuel cell technology. Trains and buses are being run with GH technology in Europe. GH can also be converted into ammonia and methanol to produce fertilizer and be applied for other industrial uses. Sri Lanka must not be left behind.

(v) GH can be stored and burned whenever energy is needed, especially during nighttime. Only water vapour is produced during the burning of hydrogen without any air pollution. Sri Lanka already has the Sobhadanavi LNG plant which is almost ready to use. Since we must import LNG to run this power plant, we should be able to reduce the LNG import bill by half by mixing the natural gas (methane) with the locally produced GH. See here:

(vi) Local solar energy companies should install high quality solar energy systems and provide “after sale services” in accordance with their guarantees.

(vii) PV companies should also be encouraged to collaborate with local electronics departments to manufacture accessories like inverters and other components needed for these systems, creating new jobs, and reducing the total cost of the systems.

(viii) In addition to grid tied solar roofs, the PV companies should also market hot water systems and water pumping systems. As a country reliant mainly on agriculture, solar water pumping and drip irrigation systems, especially in the dry zone, provide a huge potential for increasing food production.

(ix) Battery capacities are improving, and costs are coming down. This can be encouraged pending replacing grid infrastructure.

(x) It is important to increase public awareness through government funded campaigns. The public should recognise the dangers of using imported and expensive fossil fuel and the importance of using renewables.

(xi) The public should also recognise the advantages of having a clean environment, health benefits and enhanced living conditions.

(xii) A community development project called “Solar Village” to empower needy communities, accelerate their sustainable development, reduce poverty and take climate action has been developed over the past two decades. Seven solar villages have been established and funding for three more solar villages have been obtained.

Solar Village SDG, a UK based community interest company has been established to encourage the use of renewables and to pilot programmes which will support sustainable development goals. This includes providing access to a quality education for all via smart rooms which will be set up alongside solar villages in rural schools. Such initiatives could be encouraged and supported.

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Opinion

How monks practice Buddhism in Sri Lanka

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Time was when we had to observe the five precepts chanting in front of the omnipresent Buddha statue in every Buddhist household, and pay homage to parents straight afterwards. Attend mandatory Sunday schools, trek about 6 miles (return) to Moratu Vidyalaya’s main hall together as a family on Fridays to listen to a sermon by erudite visiting monks from the Vajiraramaya and elsewhere.

Having been settled in the UK for half a century, I can only go by what I read and hear from Sri Lankan friends and families. All those practices seem to have changed for the worse, sadly! Living in luxury, temples are run on business models nowadays! Monks ask what they wish to eat at alms-givings, including pork, etc., tell how much it costs the laypeople to invite them, etc! Unbelievable to say the least! I dare say it seems to start from the top of the hierarchy – the Kandy Temples, where the prelates live and are patronised by all politicians from Presidents, Prime Ministers and others! Some monks engaging in politics is not uncommon! For example, a recent statement made by Ven. Dodampahala Rahula Thera during a religious ceremony held to bless former President Ranil Wickremesinghe on his birthday has sparked widespread discussion on social media.

Speaking at the event, Ven. Rahula Thera had claimed that he had advised then-President Wickremesinghe not to import fuel ahead of the 2024 Presidential Election. However, the Thera has since clarified that the remark was made in error due to the pressure of the moment. Pertinent question is why did he choose such intervention?

All these are in such sharp contrast to Buddhist monks in the Western world and South East Asia where they shun luxury to lead a truly monastic lifestyle in order to practise what they preach.

Respected and loved in his own country as a man of great wisdom, Ajahn Cha was also instrumental in establishing Theravada Buddhism in the West. Beginning in 1979 with the founding of Cittaviveka commonly known as Chithurst Buddhist Monastery) in the United Kingdom, the Forest Tradition of Ajahn Chah has spread throughout Europe, the United States and the British Commonwealth. The dhamma talks of Ajahn Chah have been recorded, transcribed and translated into several languages.

More than one million people, including the Thai Royal Family attended Ajahn Chah’s funeral in January 1993 held a year after his death due to the “hundreds of thousands of people expected to attend”. He left behind a legacy of dhamma talks, students, and monasteries. The little I know of Buddhism teaches me to practice His Noble Teachings. It follows therefore the importance of listening to practising Buddhist monks who actually command respect, not by their titles! They don’t mean anything to me. Not familiar with various Nikayas, I think Buddhist monks should have both their shoulders properly covered in the interests of propriety! Though not a vegetarian, I believe in Ahimsa as even little spiders feel pain. Though my wife is scared of them, I tell her they are scared of her, more to the point! So, I catch the innocent crawly creatures by hand to throw them out of harm’s way! We have stopped the practice of throwing inevitable food waste into Council provided bins, instead collect them on a regular basis to feed wildlife we have in abundance around rural Wales we live in. They are all gone the following day including old marrow bones after our two little dogs finish with them! It gives us great pleasure! In the end, it all boils down to respecting Mother Nature! It’s Mother’s Day today to remember Mother Nature and how proud I am of my surname!

Sunil Dharmabandhu

Wales, UK

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