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Returning to Ceylon as Governor

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by Sir. Henry Monck-Mason Moore

Last British Governor of then Ceylon
The writer outlines his career prior to his return to Ceylon

Sir. Henry began his career in the Ceylon Civil Service and attained high office in the Colonial Civil Service serving in several territories in the Caribbean and Africa before returning to Ceylon as the last British Governor of this country. He, for health reasons, declined Prime Minister DS Senanayake’s offer to stay on as Independent Ceylon’s first Governor General and Lord Soulbury was instead appointed.

(Continued from last week)

Of the latest developments in Ceylon I knew nothing but I remembered that the last time I saw D.S. Senanayake was when he was arrested during the riots. Though he was soon released and I had nothing whatever to do with his case, I was doubtful as to the wisdom of my appointment. So I pointed this out in a telegram to the Secretary of State, but added that I would naturally accept if that was still his wish.It was, and I went. My wife and 1 were flown hurriedly to London and it was only on arrival there that I learnt that the urgency was due to the decision to send a constitutional commission to Ceylon, of which Lord Soulbury was eventually appointed Chairman.

I only had a short talk with Sir Andrew Caldecott, primarily on the question of a successor to Admiral Layton as Chairman of the War Council. I finally secured the appointment of General Wetherall, whom I had known in Kenya, and for a year till the post was abolished we worked together without any friction. In fact as he was the official channel through which I communicated with Admiral Mountbatten and his headquarters, he proved of the greatest service to me and studiously abstained from interfering in civilian questions.

Another surprise for me in London was to attend a lunch at Claridges given by the Secretary of State, Oliver Stanley, in honour of Oliver Goonetilleke. I ascertained that during the war he was given the temporary post of Civil Defence Commissioner, in which though still a member of the Ceylon public service, he had acquired for himself a quasi-ministerial status on his visits abroad. I was destined to have to work closely with him in Ceylon. He was in many ways indispensable in keeping me informed of the gyrations of the political wheel, as he had a foot in most camps. He was, I believe, a sincere supporter of D. S. and served his interests well.

My original suspicion that my appointment would be received at best with mixed feelings was confirmed when I was sworn in as Governor in the Council Chamber. In accordance with the courtesy which has always been a delightful characteristic of the Ceylonese, it had always been customary in the past to present an address to a new Governor, to which he made a suitably prepared reply.

I was informed by Mr. Drayton, the acting Governor, that as it was war time there would be no address or speeches at all. I was a little surprised, but was again assured by Mr. Drayton on arrival that there would be nothing for me to do, but take the oath and then leave the Chamber. I was about to do so, when to my astonishment Mr. Senanayake got up and read me a brief address of welcome. On the spur of the moment I made the best reply I could in which I said that I relied on Mr. Senanayake and his Ministers to assist me in the difficult task that lay ahead.

Next morning I was pilloried in the Times of Ceylon for using the phrase his instead of my Ministers with the implication that I was ignorant of the Governor’s constitutional position vis-a-vis the Board of Ministers. To this day I don’t know what induced Mr. Senanayake to make this unexpected move, but I presume he was told by his advisers that his failure to speak might be considered too discourteous. I mention this incident because it reflects the confused political atmosphere I found awaiting me. In due course my wife and I got to know Mr. and Mrs. Senanayake well and occasional crises did not affect the friendliness of our social relations.

We had hardly settled into Queen’s House when we had to entertain the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester and their suite en route to Australia, as Admiral Mountbatten was unable to accommodate them in Kandy as originally arranged. Soon after Lord Soulbury and his two colleagues arrived, but it was considered politically undesirable that they should make their headquarters at Queen’s House though we played our part in their entertainment. By the time their Report was reaching finality I had time to form my own appreciation of the constitutional position.

The Donoughmore Constitution had been a departure from the established form of constitutional advance from Crown Colony Government to representative Government. It had been devised to meet the special problems of Ceylon created by the conflicting interests of a population of different races, castes, and creeds. It was not intended, I believe, as a permanent solution but to pave the way to further advance. How far it was successful at first I have no means of judging as I had had no practical experience of its operation. But by 1944 it had clearly ceased to be an effective instrument of orderly government.

The different Executive Committees elected their own Chairman, and as he became automatically a member of the Board of Ministers there was constant jockeying for the coveted post. In the Board of Ministers, each Minister for reasons of personal prestige or for other more legitimate reasons competed for approval of his own policies, and as the official members of the Board had no vote, the Governor’s position became almost impossible.

In theory he had the powers of approval or disallowance and quite trivial matters required his rubber stamp. In practice it had become increasingly difficult for him to intervene without raising an outcry out of all proportion to the importance of the points at issue. The Governor had certain powers for use only in an emergency, but apart from these he had to rely on his powers of persuasion to secure the approval of policies sponsored by His Majesty’s Government.

In peace time, it had not had the same significance, as Ceylon had long secured a large measure of independence in the conduct of its domestic affairs. But in war time the position was radically different, as local considerations had to be coordinated, and if necessary subordinated, to South East Asia strategy as a whole.

Apart from the equivocal position of the Governor the major weakness of the Donoughmore Constitution to my mind was its failure to foster a sense of “Cabinet responsibility” as an integral part of parliamentary government on the accepted Whitehall pattern. ‘The Board of Ministers of course was not a Cabinet, and so perhaps cannot be blamed for often refusing to accept corporate responsibility for Government policy as a whole. It was almost entirely due to the personality of Mr. D. S. Senanayake that he was able to obtain the measure of unanimity that he did, but personal jealousies were rife behind the scenes.

The Soulbury Constitution provided a two-chamber Parliamentary Government on the Whitehall model. It provided for full internal self-government but on certain reserved subjects such as defence, trade and safeguards for the minority communities the Governor could exercise his discretion after consultation with the Ministers concerned. On all other matters he could only act on the advice of his Ministers.

A Public Service Commission was to be set up to protect the Civil Service from political pressures, and an independent Auditor-General was to be appointed. I regarded the latter two provisions of particular importance if existing bribery and corruption was to be suppressed. Provision was also made to secure the independence of the Judiciary.

I supported the recommendations though I expressed some doubts as to whether the minority safeguards would be effective in practice. Also the Commission made no attempt to tackle the problem of the status of Indian Tamil labourers on the estates. In the end the Soulbury Commission was overtaken by events.

Mr. Senanayake had shown great courage and determination in accepting the Soulbury Constitution and resisting the demands of his opponents for full Dominion status, and on at least one occasion he had very nearly succumbed to their onslaught. In the. meantime Canada had objected to the term Dominion status as derogatory, and independence within the Commonwealth became the accepted term.

In 1946 an attempt was made by the Clerical Service to engineer a general strike in preparation for the general election to be held under the Soulbury Constitution after the re-demarcation of the constituencies which was being done by a commission under the chairmanship of Mr L. M. D. de Silva, Q.C. It illustrated the unwillingness of the Board of Ministers to face up to their responsibilities.

Despite the threatening situation, they were conspicuous by their absence. I was in Kandy at the time and Mr. George de Silva urged me to take immediate action. I went to Colombo and met the Ministers, who all urged me to, declare a state of emergency and exercise dictatorial powers. Somehow or other they had come to know of the existence of such an instrument, though it was highly secret.

I then pointed out to them that they had full powers to pass legislation of the same character in the State Council and that if they considered the time had come to take such action it was their plain duty and responsibility to take the necessary legislative action themselves. If they did so I would of course support them in every possible way and they could base their legislation on the draft in my possession.

Eventually they did so, and indeed provided more severe penalties than in the original draft. It was quite obviously an attempt to leave me holding the baby if such strong action was criticized. Actually the strikers went back to work unconditionally and the only fatal casualty was a clerical supporter struck by a ricochet bullet in a side street.

After this I went on leave for a few months, and it was in December 1946 that I heard Mr. Attlee on the BBC offering Burma full independence whether within or outside the Commonwealth. Frankly I was aghast. I knew that Ceylon was much better equipped to make a success of Independence than was Burma at that time, and that it was grossly unfair on Mr. Senanayake who had accepted the Soulbury Constitution in the teeth of much local opposition. I told my wife that I was sure Mr. Senanayake would approach me immediately on my return to ask for my support for Ceylon’s claim to full independence, and that if he did so I should strongly support him.

This happened exactly as I had foretold, and Mr. Senanayake and I worked together most harmoniously. We were working against time and the quick and most obvious procedure was simply to amend those provisions of the Soulbury Constitution which gave the Governor the right to act on his discretion in the case of reserved subjects.

This meant, of course, that the Prime Minister now had the sole right of nomination to the five “appointed” seats in the House of Representatives, to half the seats in the Senate, and to the membership of the Public Service Commission. It, of course, added greatly to the Prime Minister’s powers, and was indeed of assistance to Mr. Senanayake whose position was by no means secure at the time.

On the longer view it obviously provided cold comfort for the minorities if a Prime Minister were swept into power on a wave of religious and racial emotionalism. That is what appears to have happened after the untimely death of Mr. D. S. Senanayake.I was asked by Mr. Senanayake to stay on as Ceylon’s first Governor-General. I had originally been appointed For five years, and I said I would be happy to see my original term out, but for reasons of health – the arthritis which has since crippled me was already giving me much discomfort- I should like to retire then.

So Lord Soulbury accepted the invitation to succeed me, and arrangements were made for my departure on leave. Ceylon was justifiably proud to have been the first Crown Colony to attain independence within the Commonwealth and an atmosphere of general euphoria prevailed.

These biographical notes were originally prepared somewhat hurriedly to provide some background material for the book which Mr. Hulugalle is writing on Ceylon’s Colonial Governors. Since I have now agreed to their reproduction substantially in their original form they would be manifestly incomplete without a reference to the part played by my wife throughout my period of service.

She sacrificed her career as a painter for the more humdrum life of the wife of a Civil Servant which to a woman of her intelligent penetrating wit and personal charm, won her a host of friends everywhere. Later from 1940 onwards when Government House, Nairobi, became a port of call, for soldiers, sailors, airmen, and other VIPs, she contrived to be the ideal hostess despite the fact that she was in her Nairobi office presiding over organizations for the comforts and medical wants of the troops.  It was the same in Ceylon, and she is largely responsible for any measure of success that I have had in my career.



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Features

The Division Bell Mystery

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.

Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.

Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.

That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.

Ellen

Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.

But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.

He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.

Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.

Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.

After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.

The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.

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Features

The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive

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Anti-migrant protests in Durban, South Africa. BBC

The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.

At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.

Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.

In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.

Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.

The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.

Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.

In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.

The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.

It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.

Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.

On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.

That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’

In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.

In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’

True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.

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Features

Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly

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Perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions // Gift pack

I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.

Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.

She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.

As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes

Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.

Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity

These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.

What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.

What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.

According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.

Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”

Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.

Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.

He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love

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