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Govt. can make 13A more meaningful

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By Jehan Perera

The primary justification for the government’s campaign to replace the 19th Amendment with the 20th has been the need to strengthen the President’s hand to govern the country in the aftermath of the misgovernance that took place under the former amendment.  The argument that the strengthening of the presidency is needed for decisive action to be taken on behalf of the country spills over into other areas of governance.  As presently formulated the 20th Amendment seeks to weaken institutions at the level of the central government itself to the extent they will find it difficult to check and balance the presidency.  This includes weakening parliament and the cabinet and also institutions such as the judiciary, public services and the auditor general.

As the 20th Amendment will give the President the power to sack any minister at will, it is no cause for wonder that dissent from within the government ranks is mute. It has been left to those outside the government to make their objections known. The state auditors and the Bar Association have made strong arguments against the weakening of the audit function and the lack of accountability of the President that has been proposed.  The framers of the 20th Amendment have sought to capitalize on the high level of trust placed in President Gotabaya Rajapaksa by the general population.  As he is new to politics and not tainted by having been a politician but respected for being a public official as Defense Secretary the general population does not seem to be unduly troubled by the 20th Amendment and its potential for misuse.

Accompanying the attempt to weaken other institutions and to strengthen the presidency beyond the point of reasonableness is a parallel bid by nationalist and anti-minority sections of the polity to seek to weaken the institutions of devolved power, most notably the Provincial Council system.   There are calls from within and outside parliament to abolish the 13th Amendment which the majority of the population may be prepared to go along with.  Despite the benefits to the people of having devolved government and having their problems settled within the province, the provincial council system has not delivered on its potential and has been depicted as a white elephant. The problem with the 13th Amendment is its origins in the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord which the then government accepted due to the force of circumstance in 1987.  This has made it susceptible to criticism on account of being a foreign imposition.

 

INDIAN PRESSURE

The Provincial Council system is the nearest that the country has come to resolving the longstanding ethnic conflict between the state and the Tamil people on the issue of ethnic majority-minority power sharing. Prior to 1987, there had been several indigenous attempts to find a solution to the problem commencing with the Bandaranaike-Chelvanyakam Pact of 1957. But they failed to be implemented due to lack of support. The 13th Amendment has been the most lasting legacy of the Indo-Lanka Accord that sought to put an end to the internal war that had been gathering in intensity for a decade at that time.  It comprised three main features, to disarm the LTTE, to ensure that Sri Lanka’s foreign policy was cognizant of India’s security and a framework for political power sharing that provided for limited Tamil self-rule in those parts of the country they were in a majority.

So far the government has made no official pronouncement regarding its intentions regarding the 13th Amendment.  At the recent virtual summit between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Sri Lankan Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Sri Lankan position was carefully articulated without any direct mention of the 13th Amendment.  This has increased speculation that the government is contemplating doing away with the Provincial Council system, at least as it exists at present. In the joint statement put out at the end of the meeting, it was recorded that “Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa expressed the confidence that Sri Lanka will work towards realizing the expectations of all ethnic groups, including Tamils, by achieving reconciliation nurtured as per the mandate of the people of Sri Lanka and implementation of the Constitutional provisions.”

However, in a separate statement put out by the Indian side, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was reported as having told Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister that implementation of the 13th Amendment was essential.  “He emphasised that implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution is essential for carrying forward the process of peace and reconciliation,” said an official Indian press release.  This Indian position needs to be seen in the light of India’s concerns to meet the expectations of its own Tamil population in the state of Tamil Nadu and its interest in maintaining its credibility with the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The Indian state is also conscious that over a thousand Indian soldiers died in Sri Lanka on account of the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord which the LTTE refused to accept.

 

WELL ENTRENCHED

In this context, the government would be aware that any decision to repeal or downgrade the 13th Amendment would have major domestic and foreign policy implications. Within the country, the Tamil polity in Sri Lanka has been demanding self-rule in the areas in which they are a majority that includes both the Northern and Eastern provinces from the mid-1950s.  All Tamil parties are united on the issue of Tamil self-rule although they differ as to the quantum of power that they wish to have devolved.  Even the government’s main Tamil ally, Douglas Devananda of the EPDP, who enjoys ministerial status within the government, has been consistent in calling for the full implementation of the 13th Amendment as the way forward.

In addition, the Provincial Council system is now well entrenched in Sri Lanka.  The government may find it useful to utilise them to groom up-and-coming politicians from its own ranks who could not find places in parliament.  Interestingly, ruling party parliamentarian Akila Saliya Ellawala seconding a motion in parliament said, “Provincial Councils were beneficial to fulfill the specific needs of people living in those areas and to carry out economic development projects. The Provincial Councils were able to provide specified and customized service to people. Most of the recurrent expenditure of Provincial Councils is salaries for employees. Even if these employees are absorbed into the Government, the same payments should be made. So, abolishing PCs to cut costs is not a valid argument.”

This may be why the government is talking about Provincial Council elections in the near future.  Recent actions of the government, such as the ties it is seeking to rebuild with the Muslim political parties, indicates that it seeks to follow an inclusive and pragmatic strategy with the intention of securing a 2/3 majority in parliament to ensure the success of the 20th Amendment.  Similarly, it can be expected that the government would not wish to alienate the Tamil political parties, but would instead prefer to obtain their support to govern the country according to its vision.  Accordingly any changes to the provincial council system will need to be done in consultation with the ethnic minority parties. The land and police powers in the Provincial Councils has still not been devolved even after the passage of 33 years. A law that is implemented can be formulated in consultation with the affected parties.

 



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From stabilisation to transformation without delay

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At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.

When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.

Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.

Guaranteed Changes

On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.

The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.

Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.

After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.

Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.

Inter-Connected

There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.

Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.

The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.

Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.

The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.

by Jehan Perera

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Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework

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Some of the researchers at the meeting

In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.

The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.

The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.

Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.

Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.

Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.

The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.

Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.

The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.

Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.

Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.

The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Back home … for a special occasion

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Seven Notes: Sri Lankans based in Dubai – with Niluk (second from left)

Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.

Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!

In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.

Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle

In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.

“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”

Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.

They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.

Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.

Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.

“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”

The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation

After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.

Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.

Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.

Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.

Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.

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