Features
Decline and fall of an educational bureaucracy
Ruptures in Sri Lanka’s Education – Genesis, Present Status and Reflections by Panduka Karunanayake – Published by Sarasavi Publishers – 2021 – 285 Pages – Price: Rs. 600/=. Reviewed by Leelananda De Silva
Reading this instructive and informative volume, one can conclude that the golden period of Ceylon and Sri Lanka’s educational system, both higher and school levels, were the years 1942 to 1962. In 1942 C.W.W. Kannangara introduced path breaking reforms – free education, assisted schools, central schools, teaching in English medium. His kind of reform avoided the creation of a stifling educational bureaucracy.
Also in 1942, with the arrival of Ivor Jennings, Ceylon started on a path of high quality and autonomous university education. All these innovative and largely successful systems were destroyed in the 1960’s by politicians and academics, at the expense of the ordinary citizen. Sixty years later, in 2022, we witness two systems of education in Sri Lanka – one for the affluent and another for the poor. The former has access to better schools, both public and private, an English medium education, better teachers, high class private tuition, to state-of-the-art educational technology and access to Oxford, Cambridge and Harvard. The poor can access Sri Lanka’s universities teaching in the vernacular and prospects of unemployment for many of them.
Panduka Karunanayake, the author is professor of medicine at the Colombo University. He belongs to a long and select tradition of medical academics and professionals, who have pursued interests beyond their own academic fields. He has been engaged in looking at the entire educational system – its history, its economy, sociology and culture. The volume reflects these interests.
It is a collection of articles on the many facets of our educational system. They include observing the reforms of C.W.W. Kannangara, university developments, in the arts, medicine and sciences and in administration, the evolution of a private university system and more generally on the history of education in Ceylon and Sri Lanka. He has some instructive and informative End Notes which offers us much food for thought.
The author examines the Kannangara reforms. The aim of these reforms was to open up opportunities for the less affluent, the less urban and the more rural, children to obtain an English education, free of charge and obtain access to the university. His idea of free education was not to make its supply a monopoly of the state. He never visualized the kind of educational bureaucracy that we have now.
He wanted free education to be provided from multiple sources – private schools, assisted schools, and government schools. School teachers were not part of an educational bureaucracy. School principals were ensured the individuality and the high profile they already enjoyed. These aims can be observed in the central schools that emerged. Karunanayake, notes that one of the colonial governors J.A. Stewart MacKenzie (1784-1843) was one of the earliest to advocate greater access to education and that he might have influenced the Kannangara reforms.
Let us observe two important developments, noted by the author with regard to the evolution of higher education. One was the introduction of vernacular education to the universities of Colombo and Peradeniya in the early 1960’s. When Ivor Jennings was Vice-Chancellor in the early 1950’s, he opposed the change to a vernacular medium.
“While welcoming equal opportunity, Sir Ivor naturally disagreed with those who tried to redress this injustice by a wrong strategy; making university education itself vernacular, instead of battling the elitist politicians. He pointed out that the local vernacular was not yet ready to enter the global higher education arena, and it simply didn’t make sense to him to undermine the universities too and lose its excellence for the sake of circumventing the elitist politician’s plans. We can now see how correct he was”.
It was the resulting decline in the quality of university education, (after the introduction of vernacular policies after 1962 especially in the arts, social sciences and humanities) which have led to the decline of standards in the whole field of politics and public administration. We can see the results in 2022 with the Sri Lankan economy now in tatters. India avoided this calamity through its retention of English. Let me offer one contrasting example. Until the 1970s the administrative services of India and Sri Lanka were more or less similar in terms of their capacity to conduct business. Now the Sri Lanka Administrative Service is not fit for purpose. With regard to autonomy, the author refers to the role of education minister, Iriyagolla (he called it autonomiya) in doing away with the principle of universities being detached from the state. What is surprising is that this happened during the Dudley Senanayake liberal government in the latter 1960’s.
“The new SLFP government had already made plans to re-introduce autonomy (and that Act had already gone through its first reading in Parliament) when the JVP insurrection broke out in April 1971………… The government immediately changed its stance on the universities and rewrote the Act, taking autonomy away further and bringing the universities under the direct control of the political authority. And the rest is history.”
The result of all this is the massive expansion of universities and their student numbers and the decline of standards. Vice-Chancellors are now academic bureaucrats, not scholars of excellence. The Chancellors are from a religious background making universities look like pirivenas.The volume has a wide ranging discussion on higher education – higher and further education, technical education, franchised institutions. The author refers to Macuniversities and McDonaldisation. Thousands are passing out from these franchised institutions. Although more action is required to regulate them, the author sees the advantages of these institutions. Without going abroad, children can hope to obtain a decent education that makes them employable.
Every year 400 doctors, qualified abroad in places like Belarus, China, India, Nepal, join the Sri Lankan medical services. Why not save all that foreign exchange and allow for foreign medical colleges to be opened up in Sri Lanka? It is these franchised institutions that have enabled the country to develop an export-oriented IT sector.
Reading this volume one observes an important feature of Ceylon’s education system prior to 1962. Prior its unification and bureaucratization in the early 1960’s there could be observed in Ceylon great diversity in the educational system. In other words, there were many educational sub-cultures which flourished. The most obvious is the educational system which prevailed in Jaffna. It had a medical college and schools run by American missionaries and others.
Jaffna children had access to a good English education. They sought jobs in the South. Another education sub-culture can be observed in the Galle district. The author mentions the role of H.W. Amarasuriya, who was a great philanthropist. There was an inter-connected school system in the Galle district. In other cities and towns like Kandy, Kurunegala and Ratnapura, there were leading schools linked informally to other schools in the area creating an educational sub-culture.
Prior to 1960, there was a decentralized educational system unlike the current centralized bureaucratic model. There was room for private and philanthropic initiatives. It allowed for much wider social engagement in the education system. Should we once again aim at reviving a more decentralized system, allowing for greater civic engagement?
The public education system – at university and school levels – has failed the country. Its obsession with the vernacular languages as the medium of instruction has cost the country dear. An emerging private sector has partly filled the gap, but access to it is only for those who can pay for it. The private sector should be allowed to prosper. Steps should be taken to further expand it and make Sri Lanka a learning hub in the Asian region.
Urgent reforms such as decentralization, relaxing the bureaucratic stranglehold on universities and schools, opening up more polytechnics instead of universities and giving access to technology are essential in the public education system. Panduka Karunanayake offers many insights into future directions. Reading this volume is a rewarding experience.
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.
Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.
Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.
Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
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