Midweek Review
Corruption saga continues
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The Sri Lanka Institute of Directors (SLID) and Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) recently declared corruption as the root cause of Sri Lanka’s current political and economic crisis. The declaration was made in a statement titled, “SLID and TISL launch ‘Business Against Corruption’ Initiative” issued to the media after the two organisations finalised an agreement on a three-year plan to address the issues at hand.
The statement described the contract as strategic collaboration between the two NGOs. Veteran banker Faizal Salieh and Attorney-at-Law Nadishani Perera signed the agreement for SLID and TISL, respectively.
TISL was launched in late 2002 whereas SLID came into being in April 2000. The assertion that corruption bankrupted the country underscored the failure on the part of successive governments (parliaments), the Finance Ministry, Monetary Board, CIABOC, Attorney General’s Department and the Auditor General’s Department, as well as apparent well-meaning bodies, like SLID and TISL. The way the political party system hindered and diluted the National Audit Bill and the Parliament moved court against the releasing of MPs’ asset declarations indicate the challenges faced in reforming the system.
No less a person than the Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, in May this year, acknowledged Sri Lanka’s shameful status. Dr. Weerasinghe, who retired as Senior Deputy Governor, CBSL in January 2021, was requested to take over the CBSL in April this year in the wake of Ajith Nivard Cabraal’s resignation amidst an unprecedented deterioration of the country’s financial situation.
Nadishani Perera succeeded as TISL’s Executive Director from Asoka Obeysekera in January 2021. Salieh was unanimously elected as the Chairman, SLID for the year 2021/22 at a virtual AGM held on Aug. 11, 2021. It would be pertinent to mention that the then State Minister of Finance, Capital Markets and State Enterprise Reforms Cabraal was the Chief Guest at this meet held a month before Central Bank Governor Prof. W.D. Lakshman was unceremoniously asked to step down to pave the way for the State Minister to return to the Governor’s Office.
Cabraal previously served as the 12th Governor of CBSL from July 2006 to January 2015 and returned. His second stint as the 16th Governor, CBSL lasted just eight months. As the 16h Governor he was elevated to the Cabinet rank. As a result, the Governor’s rank in the Table of Precedence has gone up from 20th to fifth place. The Governor is now ranked below the President, Prime Minister, Speaker and the Chief Justice.
In joint fifth place, the Table of Precedence comprises the Leader of the Opposition, Cabinet of Ministers and the Field Marshal.
When Cabraal succeeded Prof. Lakshman the government was in serious difficulty. Having ignored the IMF’s advice in early 2020 to restructure the debt and drop plans to do away with a range of taxes, the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government caused immense damage to the national economy. But the economic fallout cannot be entirely blamed on corruption since the country had to fend off the worldwide pandemic and the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks by Islamic extremists, both of which crippled the country’s vibrant and vital tourism industry and worker remittances, coupled with the fallout from the war in Ukraine.
Nadishani Perera declared their primary objective was to eradicate corruption supported by the private sector. She said so in response to a query from us. They’ll be seeking required funding from the ADB, World Bank and other institutions such as the Centre for International Private Enterprise (CIPE).
A toxic combination of waste, corruption, irregularities, mismanagement and ill-advised decisions contributed to the worst-ever crisis post-independence Sri Lanka experienced. Both public and private sectors should accept responsibility for the crisis. Shocking disclosures made by the Auditor General and at proceedings of the Committee of Public Enterprises (COPE), Committee of Public Accounts (COPA) and Committee of Public Finance (COPF) over the years repeatedly proved culpability of Parliament for the financial crisis.
The SLID-TISL project is meant to enhance transparency, accountability and integrity by encouraging ethical business practices, fair market competition, fair pricing and credible leadership.
The joint statement quoted Salieh as having said: “We are mindful of the current state of affairs, the ground realities, and the challenges faced by companies in doing business. Therefore, our approach on this journey is pragmatic and practical and will enable businesses to proactively and progressively mitigate the corruption risk using preventive measures, checks and balances on a voluntary, ‘best efforts’ basis.”
Nadishani Perera was quoted as having said: “Businesses play a critical role in any nation’s efforts against corruption. At this unique and transformative moment in Sri Lanka’s history, as the citizens have risen against corruption, it is of utmost importance that the business community also commits to do its part towards this mission.”
Bond scams
In spite of high-profile projects reportedly meant to restore public confidence in public and private sectors, the situation continues to deteriorate. That is the undeniable truth. In late Nov 2016, the USAID in partnership with Sri Lanka Parliament launched USD 13 mn (Rs 1.92 bn) project to strengthen accountability, transparency and good governance.
Parliament owed the public an explanation as regards the success or utter failure of the three-year project. Did it achieve its objectives? Perhaps, the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, in his new capacity as the Chairman of the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ) will care to explain the outcome of the USAID project. The USD 13 mn project should be examined against the backdrop of the Treasury bond scams perpetrated in Feb 2015 and March 2016 under then yahapalana (good governance) rule. Then Speaker Jayasuriya and the US obviously didn’t care that the yahapalana government delayed investigations into the Treasury bond scams and actually nothing really was done about it until then President Maithripala Sirisena appointed a presidential Commission of Inquiry (CoI) that included two sitting Supreme Court judges in late January 2017 to carry out a public probe.
Probably, Sirisena, now an SLPP MP (Polonnaruwa district) must have quite conveniently forgotten how he dissolved Parliament at midnight on June 26, 2015 to prevent the then COPE Chairman D.E.W. Gunasekera from tabling in Parliament his report on the first Treasury bond scam. At the behest of the UNP leadership, the then lawmaker Attorney-at-Law Sujeewa Senasinghe moved court to thwart the releasing of the COPE report. Senasinghe, an Attorney-at-Law even had the audacity to write a book denying the scam.
Regardless of Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL) being under the spotlight over the Treasury Bond scams, the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) had no qualms in receiving sponsorship amounting to Rs 2.5 mn in support from the tainted firm for its project, Law Asia 2016. The Colombo Port City and the USAID had been among the BASL’s sponsors for its other events.
Eight years after the first Treasury Bond scam, what is the current status of the investigations and Sri Lanka’s efforts to convince Singapore to extradite Arjuna Mahendran, under whose watchful eyes as the Governor, CBSL the Treasury Bond scams took place? Can the Attorney General and the Justice Ministry explain measures taken by them since the change of government in July to have Mahendran extradited? Against the backdrop of assurances given by the Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, that a Bill to combat fraud and corruption would be enacted soon, the public have a right to know how the new government intended to handle Treasury Bonds scams probe/prosecutions.
Singapore-based Mahendran challenged The Island editorial (‘Cops and Robbers’) of Friday August 19, 2022. Denying he fled the country, the Singaporean revealed that his Counsel Romesh de Silva, PC secured the permission of Supreme Court justice K.T. Chitrasiri for him to leave the country. Justice Chitrasiri headed the CoI. The issue at hand is whether Mahendran through his learned Counsel gave an assurance to Justice Chitrasiri that he would return to the country in case the Attorney General initiated legal action over the Treasury Bond scams. Perhaps, Mahendran’s Counsel should set the record straight.
The question is when President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva made the request on behalf of Mahendran and secured approval as the former CBSL Governor claimed, did he give an assurance to the CoI that he would return within a specific period or did the CoI sought such a pledge from him.
Vidanapathirana Associates, on behalf of Ranil Wickremesinghe, several weeks after the last presidential election in Nov 2019, responded to a spate of allegations pertaining to Treasury Bond scams et al directed at the former Premier by yahapalana regime President Maithripala Sirisena. Responding to specific allegation that Wickremesinghe helped Mahendran to escape Sri Lankan justice, Vidanapathirana Associates stated (verbatim): “Mr. Arjuna Mahendran gave evidence before the Presidential Commission and therefore obtained its permission to leave Sri Lanka. He has not returned since then.”
The Attorney General’s Department should inquire into the circumstances under which Mahendran left the country.
Controversy over privatization
Restructuring/privatization of loss-making state enterprises has received attention as part of the overall economic recovery efforts. However, rebel SLPP lawmaker Dr. Nalaka Godahewa recently raised the possibility of the new government exploiting the current economic crisis to privatize profit-making ventures, such as Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation (SLIC) and Sri Lanka Telecom. The former Viyathmaga activist was responding to President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent declaration as regards privatization.
Declaring his whole hearted support for the proposed restructuring of loss-making enterprises, Dr. Godahewa however questioned the move to privatize the profitable ventures. Such privatizations will further weaken the public sector due to the Treasury being deprived of much needed cash. Dr. Godahewa assertion that the vast majority of 94 state enterprises privatized between 1990-2003 during the tenure of late President Ranasinghe Premadasa and ex-President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga were profitable ventures reveals how the powers that be gradually deprived the Treasury of wherewithal.
The lawmaker while making reference to the controversial circumstances China secured the Hambantota port on a 99-year-lease for USD 1.2 bn in 2017, questioned the move to privatize SLIC and SLT.
Commenting on what he called Sri Lanka’s infamous privatization policy, Dr. Godahewa mentioned a few interesting facts regarding the privatized enterprises though he refrained from naming them. (1) The Supreme Court in 2009 reversed the sale of SLIC for Rs 6 bn during the tenure of Kumaratunga’s regime. At the time of the transaction, the SLIC had assets estimated to be worth over Rs 30 bn (2) The Supreme Court also in the same year reversed two more corrupt transactions, namely Waters Edge and Lanka Marine Services (3) A person who bought a plantation company earned a 100 percent profit within 24 hours after he sold the same property for double the amount he paid for (4) Those who acquired a company that dealt with food much more cash they paid for that particular state enterprise. That enterprise had more money in its bank accounts and the safes than what was received by the government from the buyer and (5) Some of those buyers earned massive profits by selling machinery and equipment.
So, no wonder she was dubbed Chaura Regina (bandit queen) by her one-time political soulmate Victor Ivan in a book he published and to this date ex-President Kumaratunga has not dared to challenge the accusations either in a court of law or by word.
The whole privatisation/restructuring programme appeared to have been carried out at the expense of the national economy while successive governments packed the public enterprises with their supporters. But the massive expansion of the public sector took place at the behest of Mahinda Rajapaksa, who served as the President from Nov 2005 to January 2015.
Public Administration Secretary Priyantha Mayadunne didn’t mince his words a few months ago when he declared how the public service had become an unbearable burden to the taxpayer. But why didn’t he speak up earlier? Mayadunne explained how the public service had been recklessly expanded to nearly 1.5 mn whereas the requirement was 500,000. One-time Justice Ministry Secretary Mayadunne emphasized the need to restructure the public service. Mayadunne’s warning to political parties represented in Parliament, state and private sector trade unions and the civil society that they will soon be categorized as traitors unless they agreed to far reaching economic reforms appeared to have fallen on deaf ears.
Regardless of consequences, the government and the Opposition seemed still struggling to score petty political points than reaching a consensus on workable solutions to address grave political, economic and social issues. Their failure to agree on urgently needed reforms agenda is evidence that the public cannot depend on political parties represented in parliament. Instead of addressing issues at hand, particularly the internationally supervised debt restructuring plan, those who are responsible for the economic fallout seemed determined to consolidate their positions while pursuing the same old strategies.
The government owed an explanation as regards accusations pertaining to the planned privatization of the SLIC and SLT.
TISL’s corruption index
According to TISL’s most recent Corruption Perception Index (2021) Sri Lanka is ranked 102nd out of 180 countries and territories by their perceived levels of public sector corruption. This assessment is certainly questionable. If corruption allegations directed at decision-makers, both in and outside Parliament, are properly examined taking into consideration the responsibilities of the executive, members of the legislature as well as the judiciary, Sri Lanka must be among the worst lot. The proceedings of the parliamentary watchdog committees, periodic reports released by them as well as the Auditor General’s reports paint a bleak picture. The SLID and TISL should inquire into public enterprises as the former represents nearly 1,000 personnel at top management level at state and private sectors. Instead of taking tangible measures to tackle waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement, the anti-corruption project could become yet another lucrative trade.
Former Samagi Jana Balavegaya lawmaker Ranjan Ramanayake declared as he left Welikada prison last Friday (26) that Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, asked for a guarantee from him that he would continue his anti-corruption campaign. The declaration was made after Ramanayake serving a four-year term of RI for contempt of judiciary received a presidential pardon after he publicly acknowledged there was no basis for accusations, he directed at the judiciary on Aug 21, 2017 outside Temple Trees. The former MP apologized to the judiciary while promising not to say anything inimical to the judiciary ever again. Obviously, those who had gathered outside Welikada prison to welcome Ramanayake didn’t really comprehend the implications of the politician going back on his much-publicized declarations. During his tenure as a UNP MP, Ramanayake twice lashed out at the judiciary. In respect of the second case the Supreme Court sentenced him to two years RI suspended for five years.
There had never been a proper inquiry into Ramanayake’s audio tapes though they captured the attention of the public. The releasing of audio tapes of conversations among SSP Shani Abeysekara (he hadn’t been appointed Director CID then), the then Deputy Minister of Social Empowerment Ranjan Ramanayake, the then High Court judge Mrs. Padmini Ranawaka and President Maithripala Sirisena, in the wake of the 2019 Presidential Election, sent shock waves through political parties, the judiciary, the police and the civil society.
Controversy still surrounds the circumstances under which the police received the recordings, secretly made by Ramanayake. Selected tapes were released to both the print and electronic media. Attempts to hush up the shocking revelations, pertaining to the Himbutana killings (Bharatha Premachandra killing), and the subsequent judgment failed.
Those in authority conveniently refrained from conducting a proper investigation into the scandalous interventions made by Ramanayake, as well as the conduct of HC judge Mrs. Ranawaka, and Abeysekara, though the police recorded some statements, including that of Mrs. Ranawaka.
Parliament suppressed the matter. The then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya should explain what really happened. Jayasuriya was among those who called for presidential pardon for Ramanayake. The failure to examine Parliament’s pathetic response to the disturbing revelations and the suppression of CDs is a matter for concern.
Did Ramanayake speak to High Court Judge Mrs. Ranawaka to influence the murder conviction against Duminda Silva, sans permission from the party leadership? Did the then top UNP leadership tell him to approach judges in respect of various cases?
Ramanayake is also on record phoning High Court judge Gihan Pilapitiya and Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala. Following the disclosure of a fraction of the tapes, the police recorded statements from Mrs. Ranawaka (retired), Pilapitiya and Hemapala.
Let me focus on the conversations involving Mrs. Ranawaka, Ramanayake, Abeysekara and President Sirisena (now SLPP Polonnaruwa district MP. Sirisena also remains the SLFP leader).
Mrs. Ranawaka had no qualms in declaring that she had no confidence in President Sirisena though she subsequently directly pleaded with him to promote her to the Court of Appeal. Mrs. Ranawaka expressed doubts about President Sirisena when Ramanayake phoned her on July 14, 2016, in the wake of Abeysekara expressing serious concerns over the way the Duminda Silva matter, and related issues, were proceeding to their dislike. Nearly two dozen conversations, involving Ramanayake and Abeysekara, should have been examined without taking them in isolation. According to conversations now in public domain, Mrs. Ranawaka asked Ramanayake to intervene on her behalf when the latter pressed her on the pending judgment on the Himbutana killings. The judge also made reference to the then lawmaker and Attorney-at-Law Ajith P. Perera during her conversation, initiated by Ramanayake. The way the conversation continued, clearly indicated that the call taken by Ramanayake, on July 14, 2016, couldn’t have been the first and they knew each other very well. Mrs. Ranawaka, obviously exploited Ramanayake’s intervention to explore the possibility of moving up the ladder with unbridled political patronage.
Let there be a thorough inquiry into matters of concern. A genuine effort is needed.
Midweek Review
Three high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations
Former IGP Chandana Deepal Wickramaratne, 63, succumbed to gunshot injury he received at his residence at Parakrama Mawatha, in Thalahena, Malabe, on 17 July. Wickramaratne, the 35th IGP (25 November, 2020, to 23th November, 2025), was pronounced dead at the Mulleriyawa Hospital.
The incident triggered speculation regarding the circumstances leading to the ex-IGP’s death. Some declared that Wickramaratne shot himself with a weapon issued to his bodyguard. Others alleged that Wickramaratne had been deeply depressed over divorce proceedings, involving his son and daughter-in-law, and accusations directed at his son over domestic violence. They claimed that the situation may have had unexpected bearing on Wickramaratne.
There are also lingering concerns regarding the impact of the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, on Wickramaratne’s demise, the third such incident after the last presidential elections held in September, 2024.
Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, 50, was found dead in the garden of his Kuliyapitiya home on 30 April, 2026. At the time of Rajapaksa’s alleged suicide, blamed on injuries he supposedly inflicted on himself using a knife, while he was under suspension over the USD 2.5 mn heist from the Treasury. He was the official who lodged a complaint with the CID regarding the unprecedented theft.
Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena, 61, was found dead at No. 38, Pedris Road, Kollupitiya, on 8 May, 2026. Authorities declared Chandrasena died by hanging. Chandrasena was the prime suspect in the SriLankan Airlines bribery case, exposed by the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO), in a joint investigation carried out with US and French authorities. At the time of his death, he was out on bail but faced re-arrest over alleged violations of bail conditions.
The Finance Ministry official and ex-IGP died as a result of ‘incidents’ at their respective homes, while Chandrasena allegedly took his own life at the posh residence of his brother-in-law Aravinda de Silva. Their deaths are mired in controversy for obvious reasons. One of the major issues at hand is whether their deaths impacted the ongoing politically sensitive cases.
The USD 2.5 mn theft sent shockwaves through the National People’s Power (NPP) government, struggling to cope up with a spate of other sensitive developments, such as the massive coal scam that led to the resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, and the controversial release of 323 red flagged containers from the Colombo port, without any checks, in addition to two containers carrying narcotics.
The police faced the challenging task of conducting transparent investigations into the deaths of Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, Kapila Chandrasena and C.D. Wickramaratne.
Although the Finance Ministry official’s death was caused by cardiorespiratory failure due to heavy loss of blood, many questioned how he inflicted grievous cut wounds on his legs and on his left wrist. The judicial post mortem report that was made available within 24 hours after the alleged suicide raised concerns. The Opposition expressed suspicions. A section of the media, too, weren’t satisfied with the way the government handled the case. The truth is in spite of a post mortem examination conducted by a four-member expert panel, suspicions remain regarding the Finance Ministry official’s death.
It would be pertinent to mention that The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was stabbed to death though police and all others concerned initially claimed firearms attack caused his death. The Attorney-at-Law was killed inside his car that he was driving on the Attidiiya Road, Ratmalana, on 8 January, 2009. Over 17 years after the still unresolved killing of the one-time The Island staffer, the vast majority of people still believe Wickrematunga was shot dead. Wickrematunga’s case is just among several high profile investigations hampered by deliberate falsification of relevant autopsy reports.
Sarah Jasmine factor
Among those who paid their last respects to Wickremaratne at a funeral parlour in Colombo was former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Minister Sagala Ratnayake accompanied the UNP leader.
One of the issues that received public and media attention, following Wickremaratne’s demise, was the controversial third DNA test conducted in spite of two previous DNA tests confirming that Pulastini Rajendran, alias Sarah Jasmine, was not among the dead caused by a series of explosions at Sainthamaruthu, in the East, a week after the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
She was married to Achchi Muhammadu Mohammadu Hasthun, the National Thowheeth Jaamath (NTJ) operative who carried out the suicide blast in St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya.
The CID questioned Wickremaratne as he served as the IGP at the time of the third DNA test. Controversy surrounds the decision to call for a third DNA test and, in addition to Wickremaratne, the CID questioned former Deputy IGP of the CID Prasad Ranasinghe in the second week of December last year. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wiejapala commented on the issue at hand in Parliament in early June, 2025.
There had been contradictory claims on Sarah, a Batticaloa Tamil convert to Islam, who lived with the extremist group. In spite of investigations, controversy still surrounds her fate, though both Sri Lanka and Indian intelligence services investigated the circumstances of her ‘disappearance.’
There had been claims that she was taken out of the country by Indian intelligence. Let me remind you what the DSJB lawmaker Mujibur Rahuman said in Parliament on 10 November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency. Declaring that Sarah had taken refuge in India, the outspoken parliamentarian alleged that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was struggling to prove she died in the Sainthamaruthu blasts, on the night of 26 April, 2019.
Rajarathnam Kavitha, mother of Sarah, is on record as having told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that her daughter had been with Zharan Hashim’s wife, Fatima, from early February, 2019, to 26 April, 2019, the day remnants of the NTJ group triggered the Sainthamaruthu blasts.
Sarah’s mysterious status remains a key factor in the overall investigation, with retired Major General Suresh Sallay named a suspect in the high profile case. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from November, 2019, to October, 2024. The CID arrested the one-time head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI/ 2012 to 2016) in late February 2026, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, recently filed an intervening petition before the Court of Appeal in respect of the petition filed by Sallay challenging his arrest and detention under the PTA. Cardinal Ranjith sought permission to make submissions regarding Sallay’s petition while requesting the court to dismiss the latter’s petition.
The Church intervened after several prominent Buddhist monks, religious and civil society organisations filed intervenient petitions seeking leave to intervene in Sallay’s writ application, filed by the retired top intelligence officer, challenging the legality of his arrest and detention.
They highlighted the following points:
• The Supreme Court and the PCoI identified Zahran Hashim and the ISIS-inspired NTJ as the perpetrators of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage while attributing responsibility to State officials for failing to act on prior intelligence.
• None of the official investigations or judicial findings implicated Sallay in planning or facilitating the Easter Sunday attacks.
• The PCoI recorded that Major General Sallay had warned authorities about the rise of Islamist extremism before the attacks.
• The intervening petitions expressed concerns that unsubstantiated allegations have created a public narrative suggesting a wider conspiracy involving Sinhala Buddhist military and intelligence officers, contrary to the findings of the Supreme Court and the PCoI.
• The petitions argued that such unsupported narratives risk undermining public confidence, damaging communal harmony, and unfairly tarnishing the reputation of individuals and institutions without credible evidentiary foundation.
Ex-IGP’s statement
In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained that he directed the senior police officer, in charge of Ampara, to secure the military and STF backing for the Sainthamaruthu operation that led to the death of some inner remnants of Zahran’s group. The Ampara-based officer, identified as Samantha Wijesekera, had got in touch with the Department’s number two officer, as IGP Jayasundera couldn’t be contacted over the phone. That statement dealt with the measures taken by them to ascertain Sarah’s status and the final assertion on the basis of the Government Analyst’s findings (third DNA test) that she was among those who perished in the Sainthamaruthu suicide blast.
The then Police Spokesman DIG, Nihal Thalduwa, has been directed by Wickremaratne to issue a press release confirming Sarah’s death. In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained the deep interest shown by the head of the Indian Intelligence, based in Colombo, regarding Sarah’s status, underscoring their requirement to know whether she was dead or alive. The Indian official has repeatedly emphasised the pivotal importance of establishing Sarah’s status and, according to Wickremaratne, never tried to hide their interest in knowing her fate.
Did India accept the findings of the third DNA test? The possibility of Sarah being an Indian informant cannot be ruled out as India was able to alert Sri Lanka of the impending attacks. SJB Colombo District MP Rahuman has often commented on this possibility. Or, perhaps, India knew of Sarah’s status but raised the issue with Wickremaratne in a bid to indicate they, too, weren’t aware. Perhaps, we’ll never know the truth.
Sri Lanka received three specific warnings on 4, 20 and 21 April regarding impending dastardly NTJ operation. The last warning was received several hours before the NTJ struck hotels and Churches in Colombo, Katana and Batticaloa. The blasts killed 270 persons and wounded about 500.
At the time of the NTJ operation, the DMI was headed by Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, who appeared alongside President Maithripala Sirisena when he met the media at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya, several days after the attacks. Now retired, Kodituwakku, in his testimony in courts, declared that the SIS refrained from sharing foreign intelligence with the DMI. In fact, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who also addressed the media, explained the difficulties experienced by the Army due to refusal on the part of the SIS to cooperate with the DMI.
According to an appeal filed against an order of the High Court-at-Bar, in terms of the Section 451 (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, as amended, read with Article 128 of the Constitution, in the Supreme Court, India issued the following warning: “As per an input, Sri Lanka based Zahran Hashim of National Thowheeth Jamath and his associates are planning to carry out suicide terror attack in Sri Lanka shortly. They are planning to target some important churches. It is further learnt that they have conducted reconnaissance of the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka and it is one of the targets for the planned attack.”
No holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth. The Opposition has repeatedly questioned the handing over of the investigation to retired Shani Abeysekera, who had been the Director, CID, at the time of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, and accommodating Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne as the Secretary Public Security Ministry. They had been accused of failing to act on specific intelligence received from the SIS.
Both Abeysekera and Seneviratne, as members of the Retired Police Collective, backed the NPP campaigns in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls, in 2024. Abeysekera, who retired on 30 June, 2021, was recalled and officially reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on a contract basis, by the NPP.
Political factors
There had never been a case as politicised as the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Immediately after the massive security lapse, and negligence on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, facilitated the NTJ operation, the Church threw its weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 presidential bid.
The Church backing made a significant difference on the ground. That prompted SJB’s Harin Fernando to directly accuse Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith of ensuring Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the expense of Sajith Premadasa. Since the SJB’s highly publicised June, 2020, accusations, there had been contradictory statements regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.
In February, 2021, on behalf of the JVP/NPP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa (current Health and Media Minister) declared that India masterminded the Easter Sunday attacks.
This accusation was made just a few weeks after the PCoI handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who, for some strange reason, appointed a six-member committee, consisting of SLPP lawmakers, headed by his elder brother Chamal, than requesting the Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, to act on the recommendations.
In May, 2021, Dappula, after having failed to convince President Rajapaksa to extend his term by one year, alleged that the Easter Sunday attack was a grand conspiracy. In spite of growing doubts regarding the delay in implementing the PCoI recommendations, the Church tried to convince the President to act on them. In July 2021, the Church wrote to President Rajapaksa. Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s continuing indifference, by the end of that year, the Church reached a consensus with those opposed to the government.
The Church openly backed the protest campaign, against President Rajapaksa, and remained committed to the operation until the very end.
Two sons of wealthy spice merchant and JVP National List MP, at the 2015 general election Mohamed Yusuf Ibrahim’s sons Ilham Ahamed and Imsath Ibrahim, carrying out suicide attacks, on behalf of the NTJ, made no difference. Ibrahim was later released on bail, in May, 2022, during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. Ilham Ahamed’s heavily pregnant wife detonated an explosive vest, inside their Dematagoda mansion, when the police surrounded the place, soon after the attacks. Did the spice trader know about the despicable NTJ strategy? Zaharan Hashim’s wife Abdul Cader Fathima, who survived the Sainthamaruthu blast too was granted bail in March, 2023, during Wickremesinghe’s presidency.
The Church, at one point, demanded that the Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera be removed pending conclusion of the investigations. The Church claimed that as Jayasekera served as the Eastern Commander at the time of the Sainthamaruthu blasts, he should give up the Defence portfolio for the time being. The government ignored that demand.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
‘The Play’s the Thing’, in Shakespeare
Exposing Complexities of the Human Condition in Man’s Quest for Power
Shakespeare believed that drama could illuminate truths about human nature more effectively than argument or philosophy. The famous line, “The play’s the thing, wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the king,” expresses not merely Hamlet’s strategy but Shakespeare’s own artistic philosophy – that theatre exposes hidden moral realities and awakens the human conscience.
Shakespeare and the Human Condition
Shakespeare displayed an extraordinary understanding of the human mind, long before psychology emerged as a formal discipline. He possessed an unparalleled gift for revealing human experience through vividly drawn characters and situations they create. He drew from Renaissance historical material as they provided a rich source of dramatic material, and chose themes that reflected musings of the Elizabethan era he lived in, taking his audiences with him.
Complexities of the human condition, regardless of culture, nationality or historical period have endured. As his fellow playwright, Ben Jonson famously proclaimed over four hundred years ago: “He [Shakespeare] is not of an age, but for all time”. He continues to alert our senses and raise our conscience about humanity with all its strengths and weaknesses by way of dramatic expression. Shakespeare is our contemporary.
I have endeavoured to examine the great playwright’s work in relation to the treatment of psychological and moral complexities surrounding humanity’s pursuit for power, in order to demonstrate how these works continue to speak with remarkable urgency to our own time. The enduring relevance of this idea becomes apparent in the following three Shakespeare’s plays: Henry V, Macbeth and The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, I have chosen to illustrate my argument.
Henry V: Leadership and the Cost of Glory
It is a reflection on Shakespeare’s stature that he portrays triumphalism of leadership and the anguish of those who pay with their lives in war, in equal measure. In his Historical play, Henry V. King Henry of England makes a claim to the French throne, egged on by church leaders who wish to distract him from domestic issues. Feeling mocked by the French response, Henry declares war. He invades France displaying strong leadership despite hardship and heavy loss of life. On the eve of the pivotal battle of Agincourt, on St. Crispin’s day, he delivers an inspiring speech to his outnumbered troops. The long and poetic speech, which came to be known as the St. Crispin’s day speech – one of the best known in all Shakespeare – strengthened his powerful status in the play.
“…This story shall the good man teach his son;
And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,
From this day to the ending of the world,
But we in it shall be remember’d.
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;
For he to-day that sheds his blood with me
Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,
This day shall gentle his condition …”
Against the odds, the English defeat the French at Agincourt. The play ends with a note of political and personal triumph, as Henry woos and marries Princess Catherine of France, securing peace between the two nations, at an immense cost to human life.
Macbeth: Ambition and Moral Corruption
In the reign of King Duncan of Scotland, General Macbeth who commands respect as a valiant soldier, returning home with his colleague Banquo following a victorious military expedition, is confronted by three witches who predict cryptically that he is destined to become King of Scotland. Macbeth is urged on by his wife, who, in an ‘’unquenchable desire to become queen’’, attempts to persuade her husband with ‘a humane disposition’ to assassinate the king while he is asleep as a royal guest in their home, and frame the two intoxicated royal aides. Malcolm and Donalbain, King Duncan’s two sons who accompanied him, fled to England.
Macbeth, the play, portrays the tale of a man in pursuit of power destroying anyone on his way, bringing about a collapse in moral order, providing insights into everything inhumane about humankind. The character of Macbeth is first acknowledged as a ‘hero’; his innate desire for power is activated by the prophecy of the witches. But bound by his loyalty to his king, his ‘conscience’ would not allow him the thought of regicide: “If chance will have me king, why, chance may crown me/ without my stir”. Weighed down by fear and guilt, he drags his feet, but the valiant soldier succumbs to the “valour of his wife’s tongue”: “Your hand, your tongue look like th’ innocent flower/ But be the serpent under’t”. She herself did not have the courage to murder her royal guest with her own hand, but was persuasive: morality yields to the pressure of evil desire. Macbeth completes the task, and they feign their lament at the king’s death which they themselves brought about.
Power did not bring in peace, but inner turmoil: “In the affliction of these terrible dreams/ That shake us nightly; better be with the dead/ Whom we, to gain our peace, have sent to peace/ Than on the torture of the mind to lie/ In restless ecstasy”. Fear, guilt and repentance grip the usurper but pride would not allow their expression.
Fear and insecurity bred paranoia in Macbeth. The usurpers became preoccupied with protecting the throne and handing over sovereignty to their progeny which they were yet to produce. With the advice of the witches he arranges the murder of all they suspect would take over rule after him. First they get Banquo, his colleague, ambushed and killed; Fleance, who accompanied his father, escapes. He then learns that Macduff, the feudal lord of Fife, has fled to England to join Malcolm, the son of the slain King Duncan, and, together they are mobilising an army to attack Scotland with the intent of displacing him from the throne. An outraged Macbeth orders the slaughter of Macduff’s wife and children who remained in Scotland, and anyone related to the defector.
Malcolm and Macduff invade Scotland with a powerful army. Lady Macbeth, afflicted with intense guilt, took her own life. Macbeth was slain after a fierce battle and his severed head was presented to the newly crowned king, Malcolm, who proclaimed …”I should/ Pour the sweet milk of concord, into hell? Uproar the universal peace, confound/ All unity on earth”.
In Macbeth, Shakespeare places on stage a disturbing portrayal of humanity with all its base characteristics that compels us to see ourselves in.
Julius Caesar: Political Power, Hypocrisy and Betrayal
The theme of humans competing with each other for power, exercised inappropriately, provides a fertile ground for Shakespeare to explore the complexities of the human condition. Drawing from history, he gives dramatic expression to such a scenario in his popular play, ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’, displaying the patterns of behaviour of the main characters, the focus for interpretation. The propensity to manipulate the truth in political machinations takes centre stage in the play. “Men may examine things after their fashion/ Clean from the purpose of things themselves” [Cicero: Act 1]
Julius Caesar, the Roman military expansionist, emerged as a formidable leader of the territories, following his successful campaigns in Europe. The play begins with Caesar’s triumphant return to Rome after one of his military expeditions, accompanied by generals and political figures – Cassius, Brutus and Antony. They were welcomed by scores of cheering Romans for bringing ‘‘many captives home… whose ransoms, did the general coffers fill’’. The contention for leadership of the territories, in its entirety, between Caesar and Pompey resulted in a bitter civil war with Caesar emerging victorious.
Cassius and Brutus who too had leadership ambitions fought with Pompey against Caesar. Caesar in his magnanimity, while being merciful towards his defeated opponents, remained cautious about Cassius. There was growing concern amongst the common folk [plebeians] regarding their newly emerged leader “soar[ing] above the view of men”, and using his supreme power to establish a new monarchy. They were averse to the extravagant lifestyle and corrupt practices of their former monarchical rulers and feared that Caesar may override their desire to form a republican form of governance with greater representation by commoners.
Cassius, envious of Caesar’s might, instigates a plot to remove him from power. He hatches a plot to draw Brutus into the conspiracy to lend respectability to the project as Brutus is held in high regard by the populace. Brutus is faced with having to balance his personal friendship with Caesar against the “general good of the Republic”. He finally overcomes his ambivalence and joins the conspirators in a plot to assassinate Caesar. “Let not our looks put on our purposes/ But bear it as our Roman actors do/ With untir’d spirits and formal constancy”…. “Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully/Let’s carve him as a dish for the Gods”. [Brutus: Act 2. Scene1]. Caesar is stabbed to death by the conspirators, one after the other, on the ‘ides of March’ – the first full moon of the New Year for festivities and sacrifice. Turning to his friend Brutus, Caesar uttered his last words: “et tu Brute?” [Even you Brutus?”].
In a funeral oration that followed, Brutus pacified an agitated crowd by stating that despite his love for Caesar, he loved Rome more, and that Caesar posed a danger to the liberty of the nation. The masses perceived his act of murdering Caesar as a deed of heroism! But, Mark Antony, a loyalist of Caesar, after skilfully negotiating with Brutus, delivers a stirring oration with the starting captivating lines, which lives on: “Friends, Romans, Countrymen” [Act 3, Scene 2]. In his speech replete with irony, while referring to Brutus as “an honourable man”, refuted the claim by Brutus that Caesar acted in ambition and self-interest. An enraged crowd drove away Cassius and Brutus.
The two exiled assassins, Cassius and Brutus, raise an army to combat a newly formed alliance of Antony, Lepidus and Octavius [adopted son of Caesar]. Undeterred by the suicide of his wife, in his absence, Brutus marched on to combat the enemy at Philippi. “There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which take at the flood, leads on to fortune;/ Omitted on the voyage of their life,/ Is bound in shallows, and I miseries……[Act 4, Scene 2].
Following the poor performance at the Battle of Philippi, and facing defeat, Cassius gets one of his men to kill him with his own sword. Brutus learning about the death of Cassius, commits suicide by running through a sword held by a colleague. The power sharing alliance between Octavius, Antony and Lepidus ended following a struggle for supremacy.
Shakespeare and the Modern World
Shakespeare presents man’s quest for power as a lens through which the complexities of the human condition are revealed. Portraying such a pursuit as a powerful but destructive force, he reveals the tension between honour and ambition, rhetoric and reality, leadership and moral conflict and glory and human suffering – characteristics that are universal and timeless.
Shakespeare, like other great literary artists, does not lecture to us, nor does he offer solutions, but helps us broaden our sense in recognising the humanity we share with the good and the bad, and our desires that lead us into animosity.
We live in a volatile and unpredictable world marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, social discontent and armed conflict resulting in global instability. Contemporary societies are currently experiencing a sense of uncertainty, desperate to find answers to establishing world order and peace.
Alongside technological advancement, humankind has developed increasingly lethal weapons with which to wage war to gain power over one another. Warfare has transformed the battlefield from land to the skies, most recently through airborne long-range missiles targeted with the use of AI; and across the oceans both on the surface and beneath it through submarines, transforming the nature of combat at immense cost to human life and property. The loss of innocent civilians, including children, caught in these conflicts has given rise to the troubling yet widely invoked phrase ‘collateral damage’, a term that seeks to justify what remains profoundly deplorable. Powerful nations frequently evade meaningful accountability, despite widespread international condemnation. And, spirituality appears to have done little to awaken human conscience and humans continue to wage conflict over religious ideology.
Although art and literature do not intend to maintain order in the way the military, the laws and institutions do, their influence is subtle yet foundational in shaping how individuals and societies, and especially their leaders envisage justice, empathy and coexistence, and in lifting us out of the moral darkness we are in. Art, including dramatic art, has a transformative influence on humanity.
Conclusion
Human beings possess an enduring duality: they are capable of reason and irrationality, compassion and cruelty, cooperation and conflict, creation and destruction. These fundamental characteristics have remained remarkably constant across history, even as cultures and technologies have changed. Great literature – particularly Shakespeare’s plays – explores this universal human condition, revealing how love, ambition, fear, grief, honour, jealousy, and the desire for power continue to shape individual actions and the course of history.
by DR. Siri Galhenage, Psychiatrist [Retd.]
[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]
Midweek Review
Stubbornly Staying Posers
Forty three years and counting,
Big posers remain unanswered –
For instance, couldn’t the state,
See the bloodletting coming,
When restive young hands of the North,
Opted for the gun and not the ballot?
Couldn’t it be seen that counter-violence,
Would only lead to a wasting conflict,
Wherein ordinary folk of both halves,
Would be cruelly cut down in the cross fire,
And dumped in graves still being opened?
That hands of good will and friendship,
Extended warmly in statesman like fashion,
Over the divide that was seen as enduring,
Would have laid the basis for reconciliation?
Will only ‘the peace of the graveyard’,
Be made to reign in the pauperized Isle?
By Lynn Ockersz
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