Features
President at last! Not President forever!!

by Rajan Philips
Ranil Wickremesinghe is the third Sri Lankan President older than seventy years to assume office. He is seventy four, JR Jayewardene was seventy one, and DB Wijetunga seventy seven. All three of them assumed office without direct election by the people. JRJ was Prime Minister in 1977 and became President in 1978 through a constitutional amendment. He would go on to serve a second term after winning the first presidential election in 1982. DB Wijetunga was unanimously elected by parliament to fill the vacancy created by the assassination of President R. Premadasa in May 1993. He served the remainder of his predecessor’s term till November 1994, and was not a candidate in the 1994 election. Twenty eight years and four presidents (Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena and Gotabaya Rajapaksa) later, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become the first person to be elected President by a vote of parliament to fill the vacancy created by the country’s first presidential resignation.
Tortuous Journey
Mr. Wickremesinghe has had a tortuous journey to the summit of power that he has long coveted. He was a defeated candidate in the presidential elections in 1999 and 2005, and sat out the two succeeding elections for proxy candidates in 2010 and 2015. He wanted to be the UNP candidate in 2019 but was pressured by the Party to give way to Sajith Premadasa. The latter lost the 2019 presidential election and later broke up the UNP to create the now larger Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). The SJB won 54 seats in the 2020 parliamentary election and Sajith Premadasa became the Leader of the Opposition. The UNP rump was decimated with Ranil Wickremesinghe himself losing his seat for the first time after entering parliament in 1977. After initially resisting Ranil Wickremesinghe went back to parliament as the sole UNP MP through the National List. That is where Ranil Wickremesinghe was when political events came to a head on May 9.
It is not necessary here to trace the parallel disintegration of Sri Lanka’s other main political party, the SLFP, which ultimately led to the events of May 9. Suffice it to say that if the SLFP became the family party of the Bandaranaikes after the death of its founder SWRD Bandaranaike, the SLFP splinter – the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) was created in 2016 for the sole purpose of being the electoral vehicle for the upstart Rajapaksa political family. The SLPP has had plenty of outside enablers, legions of beneficiaries and civilizational fellow travelers, but Rajapaksa family interest was always at the core of the Party. As Basil Rajapaksa would ruefully admit later, they were good at winning elections but not at running a government.
The SLPP electoral vehicle took off spectacularly with sweeping wins in quick succession – the local government elections in February 2018, presidential election in November 2019 and the parliamentary election in August 2020. Hidden away behind electoral success, however, was the family’s collective incompetence and crass corruption. Both exploded with devastating consequences for the country (and the family) with the arrival of COVID-19 and the world’s worst “man-made” economic crisis. The upshot was the eruption of people’s protests now immortalized under the rubric of Aragalaya. The protesters by and large voicing the anger and frustration of all Sri Lankans demanded the resignation of the Rajapaksas from their multiple perches in the structure of state power. Every one of them did, rather was forced to do, except President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
The beleaguered President went looking for an alternative Prime Minister and an all-party government to avoid leaving office as a failed president halfway through his term. Few were asked, but only one agreed and that was Ranil Wickremesinghe. He said he accepted the offer to be Gota’s PM for the sake of the country, but to everyone else in the country he was also saving Gota’s bacon. Yet, there was a palpable mood shift in the country as Ranil Wickremesinghe showed signs of restoring order, after months of Cabraal-chaos and clueless-presidency, in the management of the economy and in dealings with the IMF and international creditors.
Then stories began to come out that Mr. Wickremesinghe was up to his old (yahapalana) ways of running a parallel administration with outside sidekicks without involving cabinet ministers, government officials and the President himself. There were even rumours that he was going to nominate one of his sidekick experts as Governor of the Central Bank for a new full term. The country did not need another dubious outsider after the fiascos of Arjuna Mahendran and Nivard Cabraal. Public pressure had to be brought on the Prime Minister for him to relent into recommending to the President that the tenure of Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe be extended to a new full term. Further, the Prime Minister earned the people’s wrath by his neglect or failure over two months to mobilize government resources to provide for an orderly distribution of scarce essentials, especially fuel and cooking gas.
The fuel crisis triggered the second wave of protests on June 9, demanding the resignation of both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe. Gotabaya Rajapaksa left the country after appointing Ranil Wickremesinghe to be Acting President. The President sent in his resignation papers from Singapore thereby creating the vacancy which has now been filled by the election of Ranil Wickremesinghe as President. President Wickremesinghe can serve out the remainder of the current presidential term ending in November 2024, and parliament can continue for its full term ending in August 2025, unless it is dissolved sooner by the President after March 2023. That is the constitutional position, but the political reality is different.
Political Reality and Risks
The demand for the ‘new’ President’s resignation was reignited at the Galle Face Green within hours of his election by parliament. Protesters, at least considerable sections of them, have rejected the election of Wickremesinghe by parliament as “a decision against the will of the people,” and have promised to continue the struggle for his removal. People have tasted the power of peaceful protest and the power to force a Prime Minister to resign without the bother of a No Confidence Motion in parliament, and to have a President run and resign without the laborious exercise of impeachment. The backdrop to these new ways of removal is of course the economic crisis, without the severity of which no protest movement would have come this far, or could go any further.
So, when protesters say that they will keep going with their campaign against Mr. Wickremesinghe, his government and even the whole ‘225’ lot of them, it must be seen as being predicated on their hardship experiences this year, the fear that their troubles are not going to be over soon, and the frustration that those who brought about the whole mess in the first place are still moving the levers of power without being penalized for the havoc they created.
The people are not asking for a violent overthrow of the government, but a general election to elect a new parliament. Over 70% of them in a representative sample have expressed the opinion that the presidential system must be abolished. People understand that elections cannot be called overnight, but they will not countenance those in power extending their stay in power without fundamental changes. There is no fascism here and there is no need to call on the military to do “whatever is necessary,” whatever it means.
Mr. Wickremesinghe caused a stir when he dropped the ‘f’ word (fascist) within hours of becoming the Acting President. He has since recanted and has adopted a softer refrain that he is all for peaceful protests but that he will brook no violence or the takeover or destruction of properties. Others blame Aragalaya for creating the political space that apparently enabled Ranil Wickremesinghe to become Prime Minister, Acting President, and finally President. Blaming Aragalaya for Ranil’s assent is misplaced accusation. Aragalaya did not bring Ranil to power, Gotabaya Rajapaksa did. So, blame Gota, or look into the mirror and blame yourself for enabling Gota in the first place.
Rajapaksas are now water under the bridge in spite of all the speculations that they are still in control and are pulling the puppet strings on Ranil Wickremesinghe. Mr. Wickremesinghe may yet try to deflect potential legal lassos that the Rajapaksas might come under. That is the old school culture of mutual back-scratching. Not anymore. The President will have to do anything old school at his own peril while hugely risking his last shot to leave a worthwhile legacy. The Rajapaksas should be the least of President Wickremesinghe’s worries. Any help from him to them will only inflame janatha aragalaya for a new round of protests and a renewed demand for his resignation.
The Irony of History
Whether or not Ranil Wickremesinghe will succeed fully, partially or not at all as President, there is some irony of history in his having to deal with issues and challenges that can arguably be traced back to the 1978 Constitution and open economy created by JR Jayewardene, the current President’s elder kinsman and political patron. While the constitutional legacies have earned their due notoriety, there are also consequences from JRJ’s open economic policies which have a bearing on today’s calamitous context. For all the policy shortcomings and inefficient amassing of resources for the accelerated Mahaweli development program, the JRJ government did achieve impressive strides in food production with periodical self-sufficiency in rice. It took a real pygmy to destroy the country’s whole agricultural system by his insane organic fertilizer policy.
But in the other no less crucial areas of energy and fuel supply, today’s predicaments can be rippled back to the introduction of the open economy and its uneven application across different sectors. The champions of open economy and privatization targeted easy pickings (private buses, private schools, reprivatizing estates, privatizing state industrial corporations etc.) with great gusto, but did not dare tackle the vital sectors of electricity and petroleum in strategically decisive ways. They were left in state hands with targeted privatization around the fringes to benefit government cronies, who kept multiplying later under Rajapaksa patronage. These were also two areas where demand skyrocketed due to the unbridled expansion of consumption that became the main feature and driver of the open economy. Demand and import requirements kept increasing while capacity stagnated and even shrank.
The saga of the petroleum industry from pre-nationalization to nationalization, selective privatization thereafter, and the shift from CPC monopoly to CPC-LIOC duopoly, would be a crucial case-study backdrop to the current fuel crisis. That President Ranil Wickremesinghe now has to deal with the fuel crisis intelligently and urgently to survive as President might be seen not merely as an irony of history, but also as poetic justice. In any event, he can only deal with the surface problems of supply and distribution, which alone would be quite a challenge to his administration.
Anything deeper or major restructuring of the electricity and petroleum industries will be beyond the capacity of the Wickremesinghe administration. False optimisms are totally inappropriate in crisis times. The same caution should apply to the IMF negotiations and their intended outcomes. IMF talks take time and sustained effort as anyone following the IMF-Pakistan talks that have been going on from 2019 will know.
The President’s biggest worry and number one priority should be to effectively organize the supply and distribution of essentials in an orderly manner. The IMF talks and funding facilities are obviously important as well, but their technical details and results have no resonance for the streets. At the political level, the overarching insistence is about systemic change involving constitutional reform and including the abolishing of the system of elected executive presidency. The new President would do well to pick his priorities and deliver solidly on even a few of them rather than chasing everything fanciful and delivering nothing. He should desist from creating impressions that everything is going to be fixed because he is President at last.
(Next Week: The Vote in Parliament and the People at Large)
Features
International Women’s Day spurs re-visit of unresolved issues

‘Bread and Peace’. This was a stirring demand taken up by Russia’s working women, we are told, in 1917; the year the world’s first proletarian revolution shook Russia and ushered in historic changes to the international political order. The demand continues to be profoundly important for the world to date.
International Women’s Day (IWD) is continuing to be celebrated the world over, come March, but in Sri Lanka very little progress has been achieved over the years by way of women’s empowerment, despite Sri Lanka being a signatory to the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and other pieces of global and local legislation that promise a better lot for women.
The lingering problems in this connection were disturbingly underscored recently by the rape-assault on a female doctor within her consultation chamber at a prominent hospital in Sri Lanka’s North Central Province; to cite just one recent instance of women’s unresolved vulnerability and powerlessness.
The Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo (BCIS) came to the forefront in taking up the above and other questions of relevance to women at a forum conducted at its auditorium on March 7th, in view of IWD. The program was organized by the library team at the BCIS, under the guidance of the BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando.
It was heartening to note that the event was widely attended by schoolchildren on the invitation of the BCIS, besides members of the public, considering that the awareness among the young needs to be consistently heightened and broadened on the principal issue of gender justice. Hopefully, going forward, the young would champion the cause of women’s rights having gained by the insights which have been surfaced by forums such as that conducted by the BCIS.
The panelists at the BCIS forum comprised Kumudini Samuel of the Women and Media Collective, a local organization which is in the forefront of taking up women’s issues, and Raaya Gomez, an Attorney-at-Law, engaged in women’s rights advocacy. Together they gave the audience much to think about on what needs to be done in the field of gender justice and linked questions.
The currently raging wars and conflicts worldwide ought to underscore as never before, the yet to be substantively addressed vulnerability of women and children and the absolute need for their consistent empowerment. It is plain to see that in the Gaza, for example, it is women and children who are put through the most horrendous suffering.
Yet, women are the sole care-givers and veritable bread winners of their families in particularly times of turmoil. Their suffering and labour go unappreciated and unquantified and this has been so right through history. Conventional economics makes no mention of the contribution of women towards a country’s GDP through their unrecorded labour and, among other things, this glaring wrong needs to be righted.
While pointing to the need for ‘Bread and Peace’ and their continuing relevance, Kumudini Samuel made an elaborate presentation on the women’s struggle for justice and equality in Sri Lanka over the decades. Besides being the first country to endow women with the right to vote in South Asia, Sri Lanka has been in the forefront of the struggle for the achievement of women’s rights in the world. Solid proof of this was given by Ms. Samuel via her presentation.

Schoolchildren at the knowledge-sharing session.
The presenter did right by pointing to the seventies and eighties decades in Sri Lanka as being particularly notable from the viewpoint of women’s advocacy for justice. For those were decades when the country’s economy was unprecedentedly opened or liberalized, thus opening the floodgates to women’s increasing exploitation and disempowerment by the ‘captains of business’ in the Free Trade Zones and other locations where labour rights tend to be neglected.
Besides, those decades witnessed the explosive emergence of the North-East war and the JVP’s 1987-’89 uprising, for example, which led to power abuse by the state and atrocities by militant organizations, requiring women’s organizations to take up the cause of ethnic peace and connected questions, such as vast scale killings and disappearances.
However, the presenter was clear on the point that currently Sri Lanka is lagging behind badly on the matter of women’s empowerment. For example, women’s representation currently in local councils, provincial councils and parliament is appallingly negligible. In the case of parliament, in 2024 women’s representation was just 9.8 %. Besides, one in four local women have experienced sexual and physical violence since the age of fifteen. All such issues and more are proof of women’s enduring powerlessness.
Raaya Gomez, among other things, dealt at some length on how Sri Lanka is at present interacting with and responding to international bodies, such as CEDAW, that are charged with monitoring the country’s adherence to international conventions laying out the state’s obligations and duties towards women.
This year, we were told, the Sri Lankan government submitted 11 reports to CEDAW in Geneva on issues raised by the latter with the state. Prominent among these issues are continuing language-related difficulties faced by minority group Lankan women. Also coming to the fore is the matter of online harassment of women, now on the ascendant, and the growing need for state intervention to rectify these ills.
It was pointed out by the presenter that overall what needs to be fulfilled by Sri Lanka is the implementation of measures that contribute towards the substantive equality of women. In other words, social conditions that lead to the vulnerability and disempowerment of women need to be effectively managed.
Moreover, it was pointed out by Gomez that civil society in Sri Lanka comes by the opportunity to intervene for women’s empowerment very substantively when issues relating to the Lankan state’s obligations under CEDAW are taken up in Geneva, usually in February.
Accordingly, some Lankan civil society organizations were present at this year’s CEDAW sessions and they presented to the body 11 ‘shadow reports’ in response to those which were submitted by the state. In their documents these civil society groups highlighted outstanding issues relating to women and pointed out as to how the Lankan state could improve its track record on this score. All in all, civil society responses amount to putting the record straight to the international community on how successful or unsuccessful the state is in adhering to its commitments under CEDAW.
Thus, the BCIS forum helped considerably in throwing much needed light on the situation of Lankan women. Evidently, the state is yet to accelerate the women’s empowerment process. Governments of Sri Lanka and their wider publics should ideally come to the realization that empowered women are really an asset to the country; they contribute immeasurably towards national growth by availing of their rights and by adding to wealth creation as empowered, equal citizens.
Features
Richard de Zoysa at 67

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
Today would have been Richard de Zoysa’s 67th birthday. That almost seems a contradiction in terms, for one could not, in those distant days of his exuberant youth, have thought of him as ever getting old. His death, when he was not quite 32, has fixed him forever, in the minds of those who knew and loved him, as exuding youthful energy.
It was 35 years ago that he was abducted and killed, and I fear his memory had begun to fade in the public mind. So we have to be thankful to Asoka Handagama and Swarna Mallawarachchi for bringing him to life again through the film about his mother. This was I think more because of Swarna, for I still recall her coming to see me way back in 2014 – August 28th it was, for my father was dying, though he was still mindful enough to ask me how my actress was after I had left him that afternoon to speak to her downstairs – to talk about her plans for a film about Manorani.
His friends have in general criticised the film, and I too wonder as to why she and the Director did not talk to more of his friends before they embarked on the enterprise. But perhaps recreating actual situations was not their purpose, or rather was not his, and that is understandable when one has a particular vision of one’s subject matter.
After listening to and reading the responses of his friends, I am not too keen to see the film, though I suspect I will do so at some stage. Certainly, I can understand the anger at what is seen as the portrayal of a drunkard, for this Manorani never to my knowledge was. But I think it’s absurd to claim there was never alcohol in the house, for there was, and Manorani did join in with us to have a drink, though she never drank to excess. Richard and I did, I fear, though not at his house, more at mine or at his regular haunt, the Art Centre Club.
I am sorry too that the ending of the film suggests that the murder was the responsibility of just its perpetrators, for there is no doubt that it was planned higher up. I myself have always thought it was Ranjan Wijeratne, who was primarily responsible, though I have no doubt that Premadasa also had been told – indeed Manorani told me that he had turned on Ranjan and asked why he had not been told who exactly Richard was.
But all that is hearsay, and it is not likely that we shall ever be able to find out exactly what happened. And otherwise it seems to me from what I have read, and in particular from one still I have seen (reproduced here), illustrating the bond between Richard and his mother, the film captures two vital factors, the extraordinary closeness of mother and son, and the overwhelming grief that Manorani felt over his death.
Despite this she fought for justice, and she also made it clear that she fought for justice not only for her son, but for all those whose loved ones had suffered in the reign of terror unleashed by JR’s government, which continued in Premadasa’s first fifteen months.
I have been surprised, when I was interviewed by journalists, in print and the electronic media, that none of them remembered Ananda Sunil, who had been taken away by policemen eight years earlier, when JR issued orders that his destructive referendum had to be won at all costs. Manorani told me she had met Ananda Sunil’s widow, who had complained, but had then gone silent, because it seemed the lives of her children had been threatened.
Manorani told me that she was comparatively lucky. She had seen her son’s body, which brought some closure, which the other women had not obtained. She had no other children, and she cared nothing for any threats against her own life for, as she said repeatedly, her life had lost its meaning with Zoysa’s death and she had no desire to live on.
I am thankful then that the film was made, and I hope it serves to renew Richard’s memory, and Manorani’s, and to draw attention to his extraordinary life, and hers both before and after his death. And I cannot be critical about the fact that so much about his life was left out, for a film about his mother’s response to his death could not go back to the past.
But it surprised me that the journalists did not know about his own past, his genius as an actor, his skill as a writer. All of them interviewed me for ages, for they were fascinated at what he had achieved in other spheres in his short life. Even though not much of this appeared in what they published or showed, I hope enough emerged for those interested in Richard to find out more about his life, and to read some of his poetry.
A few months after he died – I had been away and came back only six months later – I published a collection of his poetry, and then a few years later, having found more, republished them with two essays, one about our friendship, one about the political background to his death. And the last issue of the New Lankan Review, which he and I had begun together in 1983 in the tutory we had set up after we were both sacked from S. Thomas’, was dedicated to him. It included a striking poem by Jean Arasanayagam who captured movingly the contrast between his genius and the dull viciousness of his killers.
After those initial memorials to his life and his impact, I started working on a novel based on our friendship. I worked on this when I had a stint at the Rockefeller Centre in Bellagio in 1999, but I was not satisfied, and I worked on it for a few years more, before finally publishing the book in 2005. It was called The Limits of Love and formed the last book in my Terrorist Trilogy, the first book of which, Acts of Faith, had been written with his support, after the July 1983 riots. That was translated into Italian, as Atti di Fedi, and came out in 2006 in Milan.
The Limits of Love
did not receive much publicity, and soon afterwards I was asked to head the Peace Secretariat, and after that I wrote no more fiction. But when Godage & Bros had published several of my non-fiction works in the period after I was excluded from public life, I asked them to republish Acts of Faith, which they did, and that still remains in print. They also republished in 2020 Servants, my novel that won the Gratiaen Prize for 1995.
I thought then that it would be a good idea to republish The Limits of Love, and was delighted that Neptune agreed to do this, after the success of my latest political history, Ranil Wickremesinghe and the emasculation of the United National Party. I thought initially of bringing the book out on the anniversary of Richard’s death, but I had lost my soft copy and reproducing the text took some time. And today being Poya I could not launch the book on his birthday.
It will be launched on March 31st, when Channa Daswatte will be free to speak, for I recalled that 20 years ago my aunt Ena told me that he had admired the book. I think he understood it, which may not have been the case with some of Richard’s friends and relations, for this too is fiction, and the Richard’s character shares traits of others, including myself. The narrator, the Rajiv’s character, I should add is not myself, though there are similarities. He is developed from a character who appeared in both Acts of Faith and Days of Despair, though under another name in those books. Rajiv in the latter is an Indian Prime Minister, though that novel, written after the Indo-Lanka Accord, is too emotional to be easily read.
Manorani hardly figures in The Limits of Love. A Ranjan Wijesinghe does, and also a Ronnie Gooneratne, but of more interest doubtless will be Ranil and Anil, two rival Ministers under President Dicky, both of whom die towards the end of the book. Neither, I should add, bears the slightest resemblance to Ranil Wickremesinghe. His acolytes may try to trace elements of him in one or other of the characters, for I remember being told that Lalith Athulathmudali’s reaction to Acts of Faith was indignation that he had not appeared in it.
Fiction has, I hope, the capacity to bring history to life, and the book should be read as fiction. Doubtless there will be criticism of the characterisation, and of course efforts to relate this to real people, but I hope this will not detract from the spirit of the story, and the depiction of the subtlety of political motives as well as relationships.
The novel is intended to heighten understanding of a strange period in our history, when society was much less fragmented than it is today, when links between people were based on blood as much as on shared interests. But I hope that in addition it will raise awareness of the character of the ebullient hero who was abducted and killed 35 years ago.
The film has roused interest in his life, though through a focus on his death. The novel will I hope heighten awareness of his brilliance and the range of his activity in all too short a life.
Features
SL Navy helping save kidneys

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP,
NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
Navy’s efforts to eradicate Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD) from North Central and North Western Provinces:
• Navy’s homegrown technology provides more than Ten million litres of clean drinking / cooking water to the public free of charge.
• Small project Navy started on 22nd December 2015 providing great results today.
• 1086 Reverse Osmosis (RO) Water purification plants installed to date – each plant producing 10,000 litres of clean drinking water – better quantity than bottled water.
• Project continued for 10 years under seven Navy Commanders highlights the importance of “INSTITUTIONALIZING” a worthy project.
What you see on the map of Sri Lanka (Map 1) are RO water purification plants installed by SLN.SLN is famous for its improvisations and innovations in fighting LTTE terrorists out at sea. The Research and Development Institute of SLN started to use its knowledge and expertise for “Nation Building” when conflict was over in May 2009. On request of the Navy Commander, R and D unit of SLN, under able command of Commander (then) MCP Dissanayake, an Indian trained Marine Engineer, embarked on a programme to build a low- cost RO plant.
The Chronic Kidney Disease was spreading in North Central Province like a “wildfire “in 2015, mainly due to consumption of contaminated water. To curb the situation, providing clean drinking and cooking water to the public was the need of the hour.
The Navy had a non-public fund known as “Naval Social Responsibility Fund “(NSR) started by former Navy Commander Admiral DWAS Dissanayake in 2010, to which all officers and sailors contributed thirty rupees (Rs 30) each month. This money was used to manufacture another project- manufacturing medicine infusion pumps for Thalassemia patients. Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit. With an appropriately 50,000 strong Navy, this fund used to gain approximately Rupees 1.5 million each month- sufficient funds to start RO water purification plant project.
Studies on the spreading of CKD, it was very clear of danger to the people of North central and North Western provinces, especially among farmers, in this rice producing province. The detailed studies on this deadly disease by a team led by Medical experts produced the above map (see Map 2) indicating clear and present danger. Humble farmers in “the Rice Bowl” of Sri Lanka become victims of CDK and suffer for years with frequent Dialysis Treatments at hospitals and becoming very weak and unable to work in their fields.
- Map 1
- Map 2
The Navy took ten years to complete the project, under seven Navy Commanders, namely Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Admiral Travis Sinniah, Admiral Sirimevan Ranasinghe, Admiral Piyal De Silva, Admiral Nishantha Ulugethenna, Admiral Priyantha Perera, present Navy Commander Kanchana Banagoda. Total cost of the project was approximately Rs. 1.260 million. Main contributors to the project were the Presidential Task Force to Eradicate CDK (under the then President Mithripala Sirisena), Naval Social Responsibility Fund, MTV Gammedda, individual local and foreign donors and various organisations. Their contributions are for a very worthy cause to save the lives of innocent people.
The Navy’s untiring effort showed the World what they are capable of. The Navy is a silent force. What they do out at sea has seen only a few. This great effort by the Navy was also noticed by few but appreciated by humble people who are benefited every day to be away from deadly CKD. The Reverse Osmosis process required power. Each plant consumes approximately Rs 11,500 worth power from the main grid monthly. This amount brought down to an affordable Rs 250 per month electricity bill by fixing solar panels to RO plant building roofs. Another project to fix medical RO plants to hospitals having Dialysis machines. SLN produced fifty medical RO plants and distributed them among hospitals with Dialysis Machines. Cost for each unit was Rs 1.5 million, where an imported plant would have cost 13 million rupees each. Commodore (E) MCP Dissanayake won the prize for the best research paper in KDU international Research Conference 2021 for his research paper to enhance RO plant recovery from 50% to 75%. He will start this modification to RO plants soon making them more efficient. Clean drinking water is precious for mankind.

Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit
The Navy has realised it very well. In our history, King Dutugemunu (regained from 161 BC to 137 BC), united the country after 40 years and developed agriculture and Buddhism. But King Dutugemunu was never considered a god or deified. However, King Mahasen (277 to 304 AD) who built more than 16 major tanks was considered a god after building the Minneriya tank.
The people of the North Central Province are grateful to the Navy for providing them with clean drinking and cooking water free of charge daily. That gratitude is for saving them and their children from deadly CKD.
Well done Our Navy! Bravo Zulu!
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