Features
Sri Lanka’s political and economic crisis
by Neville Ladduwahetty
The ongoing Parliamentary debate on the 21st Amendment has precipitated a series of Amendments from individuals, public institutions, political parties and even the Prime Minister. The feature that is common to a majority of these Amendments is the need to reduce the powers assigned to the President under the 20th Amendment to the Constitution and in the process strengthen the powers of Parliament. The unknown factor in this eternal tug-o-war between the Executive and the Legislature is which balance would yield political stability and economic sustainability bearing in mind that the balances needed for both vary from country to country and from time to time within each country
Consequently, the ongoing debate in Parliament and in the public domain reflects the above exercise. For instance, the protesters want a system change. However, they do not have a clue as to their preferred system. They have instead focused on one simple demand, namely, “GotaGoHome” in the misguided hope that that single act would usher in all their unstated and indeterminate desired objectives. Others, such as the Bar Association, see the abolition of the Executive Presidency as the single most significant obstacle to political stability and economic sustainability. On the other hand, the Prime Minister is of the view that a reversal to the Executive Committee system that had existed prior to Sri Lanka becoming a Republic, should be the way to go.
Sri Lanka, having first experienced the Executive Committee System followed by a Parliamentary system wherein Parliament was the “supreme instrument of state power”, to the current Presidential system wherein the powers of the President have been increased beyond what was originally conceived and later whittled down under the 19th Amendment, it appears that Sri Lanka has exhausted all the systems. After having tried all possible systems and achieved only once the status of a middle-income country with a GDP per capita of $4000, the question that needs to be asked is: Is the fault with the system or is there any other reason? If the cause for the present dilemma, is in fact NOT the system, then it must follow that those who are for system change and others who are for abolishing the current system and yet others who are focused on tinkering with systems already tried, have misunderstood the cause for the current crisis.
CRISIS PREVENTION
The current crisis is attributed to failure of systems of governance. Hence, the demand for system change. This understanding has caused the search for revising completely, or reforming the existing systems. Before engaging on such an exercice it would be prudent to inquire into the cause for the present crisis. Was it the system, or the policies that resulted in the following:
The policy to ban the use of chemical fertilizer.
The policy to reduce Taxes.
The policy to adopt a fixed Exchange Rate.
Unrestrained borrowing to implement mega projects that have little or no return on investment
To print money to meet Rupee demands.
Such policies were adopted and maintained by governments under 20A and 19A where the former vested more power in the President, and the latter weighted power in the Parliament. This confirms the fact that it is not the system but the absence of mechanisms to put a lid on the use of power indiscriminately either by the Executive or the Parliament. Therefore, instead of focusing on the system, the need is to develop constitutional barriers to restrain undisciplined power in neither organs of state power.
Constraints of such a nature were introduced in the United States under the Gramm – Rudman – Hollings Deficit Reduction Act of 1985 to contain runaway Federal deficits.
“The Acts aimed to cut the United States federal budget deficit. This deficit is the amount by which expenditures by the federal government exceed its revenues each year and was at the time the largest in history in dollar terms. The Acts provided for automatic spending cuts (“cancellation of budgetary resources”, called “sequestration”) if the total discretionary appropriations in various categories exceed in a fiscal year the budget spending thresholds. That is, if Congress enacts appropriation bills providing for discretionary outlays in each fiscal year that exceed the budget totals, unless Congress passes another budget resolution increasing the budget amount, an across-the-board spending cut in discretionary expenditure is automatically triggered in these categories, affecting all departments and programs by an equal percentage. The amount exceeding the limit is held back by the Treasury and not transferred to the agencies specified in the appropriation bills” (Wikipedia).
“Under the 1985 Act, allowable deficit levels were calculated in consideration of the eventual elimination of the federal deficit. If the budget exceeded the allowable deficit, across-the-board cuts were required. Directors of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) were required to report to the Comptroller General regarding their recommendations for how much must be cut. The Comptroller General then evaluated these reports, made his own conclusion, and gave a recommendation to the President, who was then required to issue an order effecting the reductions recommended by the Comptroller General unless Congress made the cuts in other ways within a specified amount of time” (Ibid).
“The Comptroller General is nominated by the President from a list of three people recommended by the presiding officers of the House and Senate. He is removable only by impeachment or a joint resolution of Congress, which requires majority votes in both houses and is subject to a Presidential veto. Congress can give a number of reasons for this removal, including “inefficiency,” “neglect of duty,” or “malfeasance” (Ibid).
Sri Lanka should learn from the US experience and develop legislation with adequate constitutional safeguards such as: Limiting Budget Deficits and Import – Export Deficits to prescribed levels; that no government commits the country to financial borrowings and other financial arrangements limited to a per cent of the GDP as prescribed; that no government commits the country to treaties, agreements and other obligations with government and non-governmental entities without approval of Parliament; that all unsolicited proposals are not even entertained without first informing Parliament; that no national assets are disposed of to either local or foreign individual or institutional entities; etc. etc..
Constitutional constraints of the nature suggested above are essential to discipline and control the tendency for profligacy of elected representatives, regardless of whether the political system under which they function is Presidential, Parliamentary or Semi-Presidential, in which the President has more or less power than Parliament.
Having set such standards and guidelines, the authority to ensure compliance should be assigned to an individual, as in the US, or to the Attorney General. Furthermore, such suggested safeguards would deter corruption.
However, in Sri Lanka, the more significant contribution from such constitutional safeguards would be to conserve the much-needed foreign exchange required to buy the fuel oil for transporting the food grown in rural areas, thereby benefiting the grower as well as the consumer. While the attempts to grow more food is commendable, a fact that should not be overlooked is that without imported fuel, the food that is produced would not reach the consumer.
Therefore, every avenue should be explored by the government to discuss with Russia to secure crude oil for Sapugaskanda, and to supplement it with diesel from China from the excess stocks the latter currently possesses. Since this would not meet all of Sri Lanka’s needs, the comment by the Prime Minister that Sri Lanka “Would be compelled to buy oil from Russia” should be seized upon, to negotiate with Russia to set up a Refinery in Trincomalee as a joint venture between the two governments, or with State owned Companies with sufficient capacity to meet the balance of the needs not available from Sapugaskanda and Lanka IOC, with the excess being permitted to export to countries in the IOR. Such a joint venture should be on the basis that Russia sets up the Refinery in exchange for the unique location of Trincomalee, to which no monetary value can be assigned.
The standard response to buying oil from Russia is that Sri Lanka does not have the needed foreign exchange to engage in such an exercise. However, what should be realized is that techniques exist that allow States to import their needs in exchange for goods they possess, as it was with the Rubber/Rice deal with China. For instance, one such technique is “Trade Creation and Trade Diversion”. Such a technique would enable Sri Lanka to export a parcel of goods to Russia or China in exchange for crude oil and diesel without tariff by either party. Another technique would be to adopt the technique adopted by India.
According to a report by Al Jazeera “the rupee-rouble mechanism to be implemented, Indian importers would pay for goods to the accounts of Russian banks in India and they in turn would make the payment in roubles to the Russian exporters. But since India’s imports outweigh its exports, the only way the Russian banks can get rid of their piled-up rupees is if India exports more, experts say, opening up an opportunity for manufacturers of agricultural machinery, medicine, furniture and bathroom fittings, among other goods, who are looking for new markets.
It is therefore absolutely vital for a team that is competent and knowledgeable on matters of trade and finance to engage with counterparts from Russia and China to work out proposals acceptable to associated parties as early as possible, if Sri Lanka is to avert a food crisis not due to production of food, but due to the inability to transport what is produces, thereby victimizing the grower and the consumer.
CONCLUSION
The debate in Parliament on the 21st Amendment has caused a national debate on constitutional reform, that ranges from system change to total revision and reform of the constitution. Top of Form
The reason for this distraction is because of the flawed understanding that the current political and economic crisis is entirely due to the systems of governance that Sri Lanka has been experimenting with, starting with Executive Committee systems to Parliamentary systems where Parliament is the supreme instrument of State power, and ending up with Semi-Presidential systems in which power sharing between the President and Parliament has been a matter of constant contention.
The fact that the current political and economic crisis is due to the lack of constitutionally framed checks and balances under any of the systems Sri Lanka has experimented with, has been overlooked. This is not a matter of surprise because it was after nearly 200 years of the existence of the US constitution and experiencing historically unprecedented Federal Deficits, that the US government decided to introduce the Gramm-Redman-Hollings Deficit Reduction Act of 1985 in order to contain runaway Deficits. If Sri Lanka is to learn a lesson from the US experience, Sri Lanka should seriously engage in the exercise of constitutionally developing standards and guidelines of governance as cited above, at least at this late stage, if Sri Lanka is to emerge from the prevailing crisis.
Another issue that would have an immediate impact on the economy is securing access to crude oil so that the Sapugaskanda Refinery could operate without interruption at full capacity, and other refined petroleum products from Russia and China without which the food that is being cultivated would not be able to be distributed, if the predicted food crisis that has grabbed the attention of the United Nations and the World, is to be prevented. Since Sri Lanka does not have the foreign exchange needed to secure the needed supplies, it is necessary to explore other options such as “Trade Creation and Trade Diversion”, or the mechanism used by India to buy crude oil from Russia using Indian Rupees. Such negotiations should be undertaken by a skilled team knowledgeable on matters of Trade and Finance prior to Parliamentary approval.
Instead of being distracted by constitution making and remaking, the urgent need is to focus on two issues; the first being for the whole Parliament to engage in developing constitutional standards and guidelines that would promote governance of a nature that would discipline governments, and the second, to ensure steady supplies of petroleum products to sustain the economy in order to prevent the Peoples of Sri Lanka from having to endure the hardships they are experiencing today.
Features
The Venezuela Model:The new ugly and dangerous world order
The US armed forces invading Venezuela, removing its President Nicolás Maduro from power and abducting him and his wife Cilia Flores on 3 January 2026, flying them to New York and producing Maduro in a New York kangaroo court is now stale news, but a fact. What is a far more potent fact is the pan-global impotent response to this aggression except in Latin America, China, Russia and a few others.
Colombian President Gustavo Petro described the attack as an “assault on the sovereignty” of Latin America, thereby portraying the aggression as an assault on the whole of Latin America. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva referred to the attack as crossing “an unacceptable line” that set an “extremely dangerous precedent.” Again, one can see his concern goes beyond Venezuela. For Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum the attack was in “clear violation” of the UN Charter, which again is a fact. But when it comes to powerful countries, the UN Charter has been increasingly rendered irrelevant over decades, and by extension, the UN itself. For the French Foreign Minister, the operation went against the “principle of non-use of force that underpins international law” and that lasting political solutions cannot be “imposed by the outside.” UN Secretary General António Guterres said he was “deeply alarmed” about the “dangerous precedent” the United States has set where rules of international law were not being respected. Russia, notwithstanding its bloody and costly entanglement in Ukraine, and China have also issued strong statements.
Comparatively however, many other countries, many of whom are long term US allies who have been vocal against the Russian aggression in Ukraine have been far more sedate in their reaction. Compared to his Foreign Minister, French President Emmanuel Macron said the Venezuelan people could “only rejoice” at the ousting of Maduro while the German Chancellor Friedrich Merz believed Maduro had “led his country into ruin” and that the U.S. intervention required “careful consideration.” The British and EU statements have been equally lukewarm. India’s and Sri Lanka’s statements do not even mention the US while Sri Lanka’s main coalition partner the JVP has issued a strongly worded statement.
Taken together, what is lacking in most of these views, barring a negligible few, especially from the so-called powerful countries, is the moral indignation or outrage on a broad scale that used to be the case in similar circumstances earlier. It appears that a new ugly and dangerous world order has finally arrived, footprints of which have been visible for some time.
It is not that the US has not invaded sovereign countries and affected regime change or facilitated such change for political or economic reasons earlier. This has been attempted in Cuba without success since the 1950s but with success in Chile in 1973 under the auspices of Augusto Pinochet that toppled the legitimate government of president Salvador Allende and established a long-lasting dictatorship friendly towards the US; the invasion of Panama and the ouster and capture of President Manuel Noriega in 1989 and the 2003 invasion of Iraq both of which were conducted under the presidency of George Bush.
These are merely a handful of cross border criminal activities against other countries focused on regime change that the US has been involved in since its establishment which also includes the ouster of President of Guyana Cheddi Jagan in 1964, the US invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 stop the return of President Juan Bosch to prevent a ‘communist resurgence’; the 1983 US invasion of Grenada after the overthrow and killing of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop purportedly to ensure that the island would not become a ‘Soviet-Cuban’ colony. A more recent adventure was the 2004 removal and kidnapping of the Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, which also had French support.
There is however a difference between all the earlier examples of US aggression and the Venezuelan operation. The earlier operations where the real reasons may have varied from political considerations based on ideological divergence to crude economics, were all couched in the rhetoric of democracy. That is, they were undertaken in the guise of ushering democratic changes in those countries, the region or the world irrespective of the long-term death and destruction which followed in some locations. But in Venezuela under President Donald Trump, it is all about controlling natural resources in that country to satisfy US commercial interests.
The US President is already on record for saying the US will “run” Venezuela until a “safe transition” is concluded and US oil companies will “go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure, and start making money” – ostensibly for the US and those in Venezuela who will tag the US line. Trump is also on record saying that the main aim of the operation was to regain U.S. oil rights, which according to him were “stolen” when Venezuela nationalized the industry. The nationalization was obviously to ensure that the funds from the industry remained in the country even though in later times this did lead to massive internal corruption.
Let’s be realistic. Whatever the noise of the new rhetoric is, this is not about ‘developing’ Venezuela for the benefit of its people based on some unknown streak of altruism but crudely controlling and exploiting its natural assets as was the case with Iraq. As crude as it is, one must appreciate Trump’s unintelligent honesty stemming from his own unmitigated megalomania. Whatever US government officials may say, the bottom line is the entire operation was planned and carried out purely for commercial and monetary gain while the pretext was Maduro being ‘a narco-terrorist.’ There is no question that Maduro was a dictator who was ruining his own country. But there is also no question that it is not the business of the US or any other country to decide what his or Venezuela’s fate is. That remains with the Venezuelan people.
What is dangerous is, the same ‘narco-terrorist’ rhetoric can also be applied to other Latin American countries such as Columbia, Brazil and Mexico which also produce some of the narcotics that come into the US consumer markets. The response should be not to invade these countries to stem the flow, but to deal with the market itself, which is the US. In real terms what Trump has achieved with his invasion of Venezuela for purely commercial gain and greed, followed by the abject silence or lukewarm reaction from most of the world, is to create a dangerous and ugly new normal for military actions across international borders. The veneer of democracy has also been dispensed with.
The danger lies in the fact that this new doctrine or model Trump has devised can similarly be applied to any country whose resources or land a powerful megalomaniac leader covets as long as he has unlimited access to military assets of his country, backed by the dubius remnants of the political and social safety networks, commonsense and ethics that have been conveniently dismantled. This is a description of the present-day United States too. This danger is boosted when the world remains silent. After the success of the Venezuela operation, Trump has already upended his continuing threats to annex Greenland because “we need Greenland from the standpoint of national security.” Greenland too is not about security, but commerce given its vast natural resources.
Hours after Venezuela, Trump threatened the Colombian President Gustavo Petro to “watch his ass.” In the present circumstances, Canadians also would not have forgotten Trump’s threat earlier in 2025 to annex Canada. But what the US President and his current bandwagon replete with arrogance and depleted intelligence would not understand is, beyond the short-term success of the Venezuela operation and its euphoria, the dangerous new normal they have ushered in would also create counter threats towards the US, the region and the world in a scale far greater than what exists today. The world will also become a far less safe place for ordinary American citizens.
More crucially, it will also complicate global relations. It would no longer be possible for the mute world leaders to condemn Russian action in Ukraine or if China were to invade Taiwan. The model has been created by Trump, and these leaders have endorsed it. My reading is that their silence is not merely political timidity, but strategic to their own national and self-interest, to see if the Trump model could be adopted in other situations in future if the fallout can be managed.
The model for the ugly new normal has been created and tested by Trump. Its deciding factors are greed and dismantled ethics. It is now up to other adventurers to fine tune it. We would be mere spectators and unwitting casualties.
Features
Beyond the beauty: Hidden risks at waterfalls
Sri Lanka is blessed with a large number of scenic waterfalls, mainly concentrated in the central highlands. These natural features substantially enhance the country’s attractiveness to tourists. Further, these famous waterfalls equally attract thousands of local visitors throughout the year.
While waterfalls offer aesthetic appeal, a serene environment, and recreational opportunities, they also pose a range of significant hazards. Unfortunately, the visitors are often unable to identify these different types of risks, as site-specific safety information and proper warning signs are largely absent. In most locations, only general warnings are displayed, often limited to the number of past fatalities. This can lead visitors to assume that bathing is the sole hazard, which is not the case. Therefore, understanding the full range of waterfall-related risks and implementing appropriate safety measures is essential for preventing loss of life. This article highlights site-specific hazards to raise public awareness and prevent people from putting their lives at risk due to these hidden dangers.
Flash floods and resultant water surges
Flash floods are a significant hazard in hill-country waterfalls. According to the country’s topography, most of the streams originate from the catchments in the hilly areas upstream of the waterfalls. When these catchments receive intense rainfalls, the subsequent runoff will flow down as flash floods. This will lead to an unexpected rise in the flow of the waterfall, increasing the risk of drowning and even sweeping away people. Therefore, bathing at such locations is extremely dangerous, and those who are even at the river banks have to be vigilant and should stay away from the stream as much as possible. The Bopath Ella, Ravana Ella, and a few waterfalls located in the Belihul Oya area, closer to the A99 road, are classic examples of this scenario.
Water currents
The behaviour of water in the natural pool associated with the waterfall is complex and unpredictable. Although the water surface may appear calm, strong subsurface currents and hydraulic forces exist that even a skilled swimmer cannot overcome. Hence, a person who immerses confidently may get trapped inside and disappear. Water from a high fall accelerates rapidly, forming hydraulic jumps and vortices that can trap swimmers or cause panic. Hence, bathing in these natural pools should be totally avoided unless there is clear evidence that they are safe.
Slipping risks
Slipping is a common hazard around waterfalls. Sudden loss of footing can lead to serious injuries or fatal falls into deep pools or rock surfaces. The area around many waterfalls consists of steep, slippery rocks due to moisture and the growth of algae. Sometimes, people are overconfident and try to climb these rocks for the thrill of it and to get a better view of the area. Further, due to the presence of submerged rocks, water depths vary in the natural pool area, and there is a chance of sliding down along slippery rocks into deep water. Waterfalls such as Diyaluma, Bambarakanda, and Ravana Falls are likely locations for such hazards, and caution around these sites is a must.
Rockfalls
Rockfalls are a significant hazard around waterfalls in steep terrains. Falling rocks can cause serious injuries or fatalities, and smaller stones may also be carried by fast-flowing water. People bathing directly beneath waterfalls, especially smaller ones, are therefore exposed to a high risk of injury. Accordingly, regardless of the height of the waterfall, bathing under the falling water should be avoided.
Hypothermia and cold shock
Hypothermia is a drop in body temperature below 35°C due to cold exposure. This leads to mental confusion, slowed heartbeat, muscle stiffening, and even cardiac arrest may follow. Waterfalls in Nuwara Eliya district often have very low water temperatures. Hence, immersing oneself in these waters is dangerous, particularly for an extended period.
Human negligence
Additional hazards also arise from visitors’ own negligence. Overcrowding at popular waterfalls significantly increases the risk of accidents, including slips and falls from cliffs. Sometimes, visitors like to take adventurous photographs in dangerous positions. Reckless behavior, such as climbing over barriers, ignoring warning signs, or swimming in prohibited zones, amplifies the risk.
Mitigation and safety
measures
Mitigation of waterfall-related hazards requires a combination of public awareness, engineering solutions, and policy enforcement. Clear warning signs that indicate the specific hazards associated with the water fall, rather than general hazard warnings, must be fixed. Educating visitors verbally and distributing bills that include necessary guidelines at ticket counters, where applicable, will be worth considering. Furthermore, certain restrictions should vary depending on the circumstances, especially seasonal variation of water flow, existing weather, etc.
Physical barriers should be installed to prevent access to dangerous areas by fencing. A viewing platform can protect people from many hazards discussed above. For bathing purposes, safer zones can be demarcated with access facilities.
Installing an early warning system for heavily crowded waterfalls like Bopath Ella, which is prone to flash floods, is worth implementing. Through a proper mechanism, a warning system can alert visitors when the upstream area receives rainfall that may lead to flash floods in the stream.
At present, there are hardly any officials to monitor activities around waterfalls. The local authorities that issue tickets and collect revenue have to deploy field officers to these waterfalls sites for monitoring the activities of visitors. This will help reduce not only accidents but also activities that cause environmental pollution and damage. We must ensure that these natural treasures remain a source of wonder rather than danger.
(The writer is a chartered Civil Engineer specialising in water resources engineering)
By Eng. Thushara Dissanayake ✍️
Features
From sacred symbol to silent victim: Sri Lanka’s elephants in crisis
The year 2025 began with grim news. On 1st January, a baby elephant was struck and killed by a train in Habarana, marking the start of a tragic series of elephant–train collisions that continued throughout the year. In addition to these incidents, the nation mourned the deaths of well-known elephants such as Bathiya and Kandalame Hedakaraya, among many others. As the year drew on, further distressing reports emerged, including the case of an injured elephant that was burnt with fire, an act of extreme cruelty that ultimately led to its death. By the end of the year, Sri Lanka recorded the highest number of elephant deaths in Asia.
This sorrowful reality stands in stark contrast to Sri Lanka’s ancient spiritual heritage. Around 250 BCE, at Mihintale, Arahant Mahinda delivered the Cūḷahatthipadopama Sutta (The Shorter Discourse on the Simile of the Elephant’s Footprint) to King Devanampiyatissa, marking the official introduction of Buddhism to the island. The elephant, a symbol deeply woven into this historic moment, was once associated with wisdom, restraint, and reverence.
Yet the recent association between Mihintale and elephants has been anything but noble. At Mihintale an elephant known as Ambabo, already suffering from a serious injury to his front limb due to human–elephant conflict (HEC), endured further cruelty when certain local individuals attempted to chase him away using flaming torches, burning him with fire. Despite the efforts of wildlife veterinary surgeons, Ambabo eventually succumbed to his injuries. The post-mortem report confirmed severe liver and kidney impairment, along with extensive trauma caused by the burns.
Was prevention possible?
The question that now arises is whether this tragedy could have been prevented.
To answer this, we must examine what went wrong.
When Ambabo first sustained an injury to his forelimb, he did receive veterinary treatment. However, after this initial care, no close or continuous monitoring was carried out. This lack of follow-up is extremely dangerous, especially when an injured elephant remains near human settlements. In such situations, some individuals may attempt to chase, harass, or further harm the animal, without regard for its condition.
A similar sequence of events occurred in the case of Bathiya. He was initially wounded by a trap gun—devices generally intended for poaching bush meat rather than targeting elephants. Following veterinary treatment, his condition showed signs of improvement. Tragically, while he was still recovering, he was shot a second time behind the ear. This second wound likely damaged vital nerves, including the vestibular nerve, which plays a critical role in balance, coordination of movement, gaze stabilisation, spatial orientation, navigation, and trunk control. In effect, the second shooting proved far more devastating than the first.
After Bathiya received his initial treatment, he was left without proper protection due to the absence of assigned wildlife rangers. This critical gap in supervision created the opportunity for the second attack. Only during the final stages of his suffering were the 15th Sri Lanka Artillery Regiment, the 9th Battalion of the Sri Lanka National Guard, and the local police deployed—an intervention that should have taken place much earlier.
Likewise, had Ambabo been properly monitored and protected after his injury, it is highly likely that his condition would not have deteriorated to such a tragic extent.
It should also be mentioned that when an injured animal like an elephant is injured, the animal will undergo a condition that is known as ‘capture myopathy’. It is a severe and often fatal condition that affects wild animals, particularly large mammals such as elephants, deer, antelope, and other ungulates. It is a stress-induced disease that occurs when an animal experiences extreme physical exertion, fear, or prolonged struggle during capture, restraint, transport, or pursuit by humans. The condition develops when intense stress causes a surge of stress hormones, leading to rapid muscle breakdown. This process releases large amounts of muscle proteins and toxins into the bloodstream, overwhelming vital organs such as the kidneys, heart, and liver. As a result, the animal may suffer from muscle degeneration, dehydration, metabolic acidosis, and organ failure. Clinical signs of capture myopathy include muscle stiffness, weakness, trembling, incoordination, abnormal posture, collapse, difficulty breathing, dark-coloured urine, and, in severe cases, sudden death. In elephants, the condition can also cause impaired trunk control, loss of balance, and an inability to stand for prolonged periods. Capture myopathy can appear within hours of a stressful event or may develop gradually over several days. So, if the sick animal is harassed like it happened to Ambabo, it does only make things worse. Unfortunately, once advanced symptoms appear, treatment is extremely difficult and survival rates are low, making prevention the most effective strategy.
What needs to be done?
Ambabo’s harassment was not an isolated incident; at times injured elephants have been subjected to similar treatment by local communities. When an injured elephant remains close to human settlements, it is essential that wildlife officers conduct regular and continuous monitoring. In fact, it should be made mandatory to closely observe elephants in critical condition for a period even after treatment has been administered—particularly when they remain in proximity to villages. This approach is comparable to admitting a critically ill patient to a hospital until recovery is assured.
At present, such sustained monitoring is difficult due to the severe shortage of staff in the Department of Wildlife Conservation. Addressing this requires urgent recruitment and capacity-building initiatives, although these solutions cannot be realised overnight. In the interim, it is vital to enlist the support of the country’s security forces. Their involvement is not merely supportive—it is essential for protecting both wildlife and people.
To mitigate HEC, a Presidential Committee comprising wildlife specialists developed a National Action Plan in 2020. The strategies outlined in this plan were selected for their proven effectiveness, adaptability across different regions and timeframes, and cost-efficiency. The process was inclusive, incorporating extensive consultations with the public and relevant authorities. If this Action Plan is fully implemented, it holds strong potential to significantly reduce HEC and prevent tragedies like the suffering endured by Ambabo. In return it will also benefit villagers living in those areas.
In conclusion, I would like to share the wise words of Arahant Mahinda to the king, which, by the way, apply to every human being:
O’ great king, the beasts that roam the forest and birds that fly the skies have the same right to this land as you. The land belongs to the people and to all other living things, and you are not its owner but only its guardian.
by Tharindu Muthukumarana ✍️
tharinduele@gmail.com
(Author of the award-winning book “The Life of Last Proboscideans: Elephants”)
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