News
Spinning conspiracy theories or launching political manifestos when DISASTER management is the need of the hour
By Chandre Dharmawardana
There is always a certain amount of truth in all conspiracy theories, putting the blame on the CIA, RAW, the Tiger Diaspora, ISIS, Chinese-Debt Trap, NGOs, etc. But it is NEVER the whole truth. Even looking for the truth becomes secondary when mitigating disaster should become the priority.
The suggestion that the upheaval in Sri Lanka is a part of the rise of drone warfare is just another twist in the current slew of conspiracy theories. The US military machine gaining more and more control of the Electro-Magnetic spectrum is part of the cyber-warfare that started some decades ago. Military satellites that fly over every country, deployed by the US, provide the infrastructure for military deployment of weapons, be they drones or intercontinental missiles.
Military observers expected greater use of drone warfare in Ukraine, but saw very little. Even in Afghanistan where the terrain is difficult, although strategists talked of a drone war to heavily tilt the war to the US, it did not happen.
Similarly, in the battle against ISIS, while some drone hits were used to “remove” a few ISIS leaders, Osama, etc., extensive application of drones did not materialise. Drones have failed to significantly penetrate North Korea. The whole point is, shielding from electromagnetic radiation can be done by simply covering yourself with metal foil (c.f., “Faraday cage”, a technology going back to Michael Faraday of the 19th century).
The US was booted out by Cuban rebels, the Viet Cong, in Iran, and by the primitive Taliban. The US proxy wars in many other places (e. g., Somalia) have stalled in spite of vastly superior technology.
So, most conspiracy theories,are strongly hyped up tabloid stuff without backup evidence from any of the conflict zones or military fronts.
In Sri Lanka, the social unrest started with farmers protesting when they foresaw failed harvests when the government told them to go organic and use traditional methods that avoid agro-chemical inputs. The upper-class proponents of organic farming who had fondly grown tomatoes in their hobby backyards did not know that every kilo of chemical fertiliser has to be replaced by huge amounts (metric tonnes) of organic manure to get viable harvests.
That Sri Lanka is an agrarian society is its strength and its weakness. Successive rulers (except perhaps the Senanayakes) had merely paid lip service to this but gone on to undermine the farmers. The left movements with their accent on urban trade unions and “industrialisation” have been largely detrimental to farmers. Organisations, like MONLAR, support the fertiliser fiasco and idolize Luddites.
The nationalists (be they Sinhala or Tamil) have also been detrimental to farmers in directing them to medieval agricultural practices, claiming that the moderns have allegedly “poisoned mother earth with agrochemicals”. It was Gunadasa Amarasekera who wrote a forward to Channa Jayasumana’s slanderous book named “Wakugadu Hatana”.
So, the “Jathika” movements and their politicians blindly misled the farmers. The consequent protest by farmers was genuine and not spawned by the “CIA” or other agents. The protest by farmers was strengthened by the revolt of the middle-class urban dwellers who couldn’t even cook their meals as the supply of cooking gas dwindled out, or exploded in monkeyed gas cylinders. The usually dormant middle class also came out to protest.
The protest was hijacked and coordinated into a concerted event, using whatsApp and Facebook messages. The slogan “Gota Go Home” was coordinated to appear in all agitations, including in Western Capitals. It is easy to ascertain that the protests in Western capitals were partly coordinated by JVP-linked groups.
While the JVP is ostensibly a leftist Marxist party, it is also alleged to be funded by US-linked political interests; the JVP was a significant component of the US-backed Yahapalanaya government. So, identifying the JVP and some other leftist fronts as mere Western instruments is a common type of conspiracy theory. More realistically, the JVP is an opportunistic political organisation taking funds from anyone without much public backing, but well organised for agitation and propaganda.
The theories on class war and historical materialism have now proved false by post-World-War-I and WWII histories. But they still provide simplified political messages that resonate with some youth groups and an older generation of Marxists still driven by 1950s nostalgia.
The protesters in ‘GotaGoGama’ at Galle Face are supported by meal packets provided by a number of private companies. It has become a surreal “big-match-style” carnival for the middle-class and elite Colombo youth who can pride themselves of being “militant”.
However, all this is now irrelevant. The task of destroying Sri Lanka was during 2012-2022, mostly due to mismanagement by uneducated politicians rather than due to foreign machinations (that were certainly there) or due to corruption (which was certainly there).
From 2009-2011, the Sri Lankan economy grew very fast due to the money poured into infrastructure development (roads, fly-overs, bridges, railways, electric grids, resource structures), and in rehabilitating and de-mining the North and East. But this construction was largely supported by borrowed money. From 2012 onwards the economy dipped downwards. So, most of the forex earnings went to pay loans, buy fuel (energy) and food.
Even in 2009 (and also before and after) I have written many articles and given many seminars, etc., in Sri Lanka emphasising that the money spent for food and fuel can be readily saved by simple locally available technological steps that involve the agricultural sector and the energy sector. [https://dh-web.org/place.names/posts/dev-tech-2009.ppt]
However, politicians preferred turn-key vanity projects that guaranteed earning opportunities for themselves without realising that they are forfeiting the whole country.
Now that the ship has sunk, the politicians have gone to the IMF, the international Shylock. A mere pittance of a loan will come, after agreeing to put “matters right” by “cost cutting”. However, on listening to the speeches by various economists (e.g., Dr. Harsha de Silva of the Opposition) or political leaders (e.g., Anura Kumara Dissanayake) we see that the political leaders do not understand that there is a catastrophe. They are talking of long-term projects like “rapid industrialization”, “cutting corruption”, “jailing the culprits”, etc., that we have heard from them in previous times.
But what about impending riots when famine strikes, garbage accumulates, water pumps stop, hospitals close, etc.,? Where are their disaster plans?
If you are bankrupt, you cannot get loans any more. Mere charity will leave you as a perpetual pauper. So, is Sri Lanka to identify its sellable assets and sell them to international buyers who have the Forex to manage them? The Tea plantations and other agricultural assets, the loss-making SriLankan Airlines and the Ceylon Electricity Board, etc., are they all under the gun? Is this the inevitable fate of small nations that fail to retain self-sufficiency in food and energy supplies? This is made more painful because Sri Lanka was one clear case where such self-sufficiency was possible
Even the UK has sold some of its priced industries, and allowed London to be the centre of questionable money laundering to avert economic collapse that loomed ahead. In Sri Lanka, the collapse has come. Is “the family jewellery” on the auction block?
The politicians planning an interim government or wanting to go it alone have to reveal their plans for facing disaster.
News
UN welcomes Lanka’s anti-graft drive, seeks end to impunity
MONETABRIEF –The UN human rights chief on Thursday welcomed Sri Lanka’s robust anti-corruption drive but urged President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to apply the same vigour to ending impunity for continuing rights abuses.
In its latest report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, High Commissioner Volker Turk noted that cases of torture and deaths in custody continued to be reported in Sri Lanka despite the change of administration.
“While it is encouraging that the Sri Lankan authorities have taken action to address corruption cases and some crimes linked to the post-war period, more needs to be done to end the long legacy of impunity in the country,” the rights chief said.
His report, covering October 2025 to July 2026, notes steps to tackle corruption, including high-profile arrests and investigations linked to political killings, enforced disappearances and the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks.
He said it had been a difficult period for Mr Dissanayake’s new government, following the devastating Cyclone Ditwah which killed some 650 people and devastated much of the island and a global spike in energy prices.
The report noted that the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka had documented 602 cases of torture and ill-treatment in 2025 and 138 cases by April 2026.
The local commission also reported 18 deaths in custody last year and a further three by April this year. In one such case, a 40-year-old inmate detained for a minor drug-related offence died at Welikada Prison in Colombo on 3 May, allegedly from severe beatings.
“This Government still has an opportunity to turn the tide on decades of abuse of executive power, repressive laws and custodial violence, and entrenched impunity,” Turk said.
He regretted that the government had yet to deliver on its promise of legal and institutional reforms and continued to apply the repressive Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), resulting in arbitrary arrests and prolonged detention without charge.
Civil society actors, activists and journalists remained subject to state surveillance, while tensions over land and religious sites continued to simmer, the report said.
It also highlighted violent riots at Negombo Prison in July, which left at least 32 dead, underscoring the urgent need for prison reform to address systemic issues, including severe overcrowding.
The UN Human Rights Office had received at least 16 allegations of surveillance against civil society actors, activists and journalists, the report said.
There was “a clear and continuing pattern of state surveillance, intimidation and reprisals by military and intelligence officials, including from the Criminal Investigations Department or the Terrorism Investigation Division”.
“Individuals are repeatedly questioned about their travels, especially to Geneva and engagement with UN human rights processes, as well as their organizational affiliations, funding sources, and participation in protests or commemorative events.”
While the Government had continued to denounce racism and promote national unity, wider efforts to ensure truth and justice risked stalling and the momentum for transformative change being lost, the report warned.
Failures to effectively investigate and prosecute crimes under international law allegedly committed during the armed conflict persisted.
“It is crucial that there is decisive and meaningful action toward accountability for crimes and violations by all parties during the more than two-decade armed conflict,” Turk said.
He noted the recent decision by the Attorney-General to indict former Eastern Province Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, also known as Pillayan, and three others in connection with the abduction and murder of former Eastern University Vice-Chancellor Professor Sivasubramaniam Raveendranath in 2006.
“It is, however, regrettable that many other serious emblematic cases remain stalled for years, including the killing of 17 Action Contre La Faim aid workers in Muttur 20 years ago,” he said, calling for meaningful steps to resolve such delays.
The High Commissioner urged Sri Lanka to redouble its reconciliation and accountability efforts. He called for a moratorium on the use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act pending its repeal, as well as the release of long-term detainees held under it.
He also called for all individuals credibly accused of human rights violations to be excluded from senior positions in government, the security sector or the diplomatic service until such allegations were genuinely addressed and resolved.
He urged the Government to support victims’ memorialisation initiatives and to release military-occupied lands.
News
Dispute which triggered listed company director being detained at BIA resolved
A dispute between a wholly owned subsidiary of Lanka Realty Investments PLC, Mulberry Holdings (Pvt) Ltd., and a contractor, Omni Engineering & Trading Solutions, that resulted in Executive Director Hisham Jamaldeen of Lanka Realty being stopped at Katunayake and prevented from leaving on a business visit to the UK has been resolved with Jamaldeen bailed and the travel ban imposed on him revoked by the Maligakanda Magistrate, Lanka Realty’s said in a Stock Exchange filing last week.
This followed Mulberry agreeing to pay Rs. 25 million to Omni on or before Sept. 26.
Following media reports of Jamaldeen being prevented from leaving the country at the BIA, Lanka Realty made two Stock Exchange filings on Sept. 3 – the first detailing the dispute between the two parties and the second indicating that the matter had been settled.
In the first filing, the Secretaries for Lanka Realty said:
“The article refers to Mr. Mohamed Hisham Jamaldeen, Executive Director of Lanka Realty Investments PLC and a Director of Mulberry Holdings (Pvt) Ltd, a wholly owned subsidiary of the Company and the developer of “Mulberry Residences” in Colombo 10.
“Mulberry Holdings (Pvt) Ltd entered into a construction contract with Mr. Randika of M/s Omni Engineering & Trading Solutions on 21st June 2022 for a sum of LKR 32,854,992.00), which is less than 1% of the total value of the “Mulberry Residences” Project which is around LKR 3.6 Billion.
“The said contract is governed by the CIDA/SBD1 Standard Bidding Document Conditions of Contract, which provides for adjudication and, if required, arbitration as the applicable dispute resolution process. The Company understands that the underlying matter relates to a contractual payment dispute involving Mulberry Holdings (Pvt) Ltd’s aforcsaid contract.
“Following a call received from the Colombo Crime Division (CCD), Mr. Jamaldeen went to the CCD on 25th August 2026 and provided a statement in relation to the matter inter alia explaining that the matter in dispute was arising from a civil contract. He was not arrested on that date and was not informed at that time or thereafter prior to receiving information at the Airport, that a travel ban had been imposed.
“On 2nd September 2026, while travelling overseas for business on a pre-arranged itinerary, Mr. Jamaldeen was informed at immigration of a travel ban imposed on 24th August 2026, following which he was arrested by the CCD. A bail application is expected to be made when Mr. Jamaldeen is produced before the Magistrate’s Court of Maligakanda today, 3rd September 2026.”
News
IRES to examine MPs’ asset declarations and election campaign finances
Text and Pic by Priyan de Silva
The Institute for Democratic Reforms and Electoral Studies (IRES) is to examine the 2024 and 2025 declarations of assets and liabilities submitted by all 225 Members of Parliament to the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC).
The study will compare the declarations to identify significant changes in MPs’ income, assets, liabilities and other declared financial interests. IRES will also examine the annexures to the declarations and cross-reference relevant information with campaign finance returns submitted to the Election Commission for the 2024 Parliamentary Election.
IRES Executive Director Manjula Gajanayake said the research was particularly timely as Sri Lanka considers changes to provisions on asset and liability declarations under the Anti-Corruption Act, No. 9 of 2023.
He said the study would examine whether information disclosed by candidates during the election campaign is consistent with the financial information subsequently declared by them as elected representatives.
Gajanayake said the research would link campaign expenditure and income disclosures with MPs’ asset and liability declarations, providing an evidence-based assessment of the country’s political finance and public-sector transparency mechanisms.
He added that the methodology and baseline data developed through the study could be used for annual monitoring of subsequent declarations.
The research is also expected to contribute to the ongoing debate over public access to asset and liability declarations and the transparency of the financial interests of elected representatives.
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