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Gotagogama: Why I’m not a total fan

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by Rohan Pethiyagoda

This article is based on an unscripted speech made at the launch of the book ‘Memoirs of 33 Years in Parliament’ (Sarasavi Publishers)

by Nihal Seneviratne, Sri Lanka’s longest-serving Secretary General of Parliament.

Gotagogama has today captured the imagination of our nation. It encapsulates the mood of a people that has had enough of an incompetent and inarticulate leader who has, through sheer ignorance and pigheadedness, presided over not just the downfall of our entire agricultural system but also our economy.

He ignored unambiguous and reasoned public warnings that the tax breaks he announced in December 2019 would make Sri Lanka insolvent. Yet, in the two budgets passed since then, his government stubbornly refused to step back. When he foolishly banned agrochemicals in May 2021, mine was perhaps the first voice to raise the alarm. My 72-minute YouTube video received 28,000 views. But Rajapaksa persisted obstinately in his folly until both agricultural production and the economy collapsed.

So, let me be clear: I fully support Gotagogama. My words to the president are no different from those of Oliver Cromwell in 1653: “You have sat here too long for any good you have been doing. In the name of God, go.”

Gotabaya’s has been the worst government in the 91-year history of our democracy. But it is clear that even in the face of a nation calling in unison for his resignation, he is digging in, determined to sit out the remaining 30 months of his term as the head of a so-called interim government.

I admire the courage and perseverance of Gotago, especially those of Gen-Z, the under-25s, who have their whole future before them. They are in the struggle of their lives. Not just on Galle Face but across the country, the voice of protest fills the air. And most important of all, unlike in 1971 and 1987, this protest is peaceful. To a fault.

Au contraire

But I worry that elements of these protests may be perverse. For one thing, calling for Gota’s arrest once he leaves office is probably counter-productive. What man will voluntarily forgo his liberty? Peaceful protest has not budged him. Perhaps a general strike will, but I doubt it. Meanwhile, the economy is descending into chaos.

We must learn from the precedents of other leaders forced to resign office: people like Ferdinand Marcos, Richard Nixon, Idi Amin, Sánchez de Lozada and the Shah. They quit only after their safe conduct had been negotiated. Or else we risk dragging this struggle out interminably, and dragging the country down with it.

Short of ending the Gotabaya presidency by peaceful means, we risk escalating this struggle to violence, especially if a protracted general strike ensues. The problem with violence is that it rarely ends well, or even as intended. Just look at the outcomes for Egypt, Syria, Libya and Yemen. They all ended up the worse for it. Indeed, I suspect that by any objective assessment, every revolution left the concerned country worse off, with the arguable exception America in 1776. Revolutions are the bedrock upon which dictatorships are built.

The 74-year curse

I see this slogan a lot but am not sure what it means. So, I take it at face value to mean that our 74 post-Independence years have been a curse. I beg to differ. I’ve been around for 66 of those 74 years. These have not been years of uniform progress and prosperity. Of course, we could have, we should have, done better. But we did achieve a lot that Gen-Z should be grateful for: free education, free healthcare, 99% electrification (14% at Independence), a life expectancy that is three decades longer than in 1948, and infant mortality that is lower than several of the United States. We may not have done as well as Singapore, South Korea or Taiwan, but we certainly shone among our South Asian neighbours.

Indeed, it was during these 74 ‘accursed’ years that people like Lasantha Wickrematunge gave their very lives to sustain the democracy under which Gen-Z is free to protest today. It is from the sacrificial slaughter of two generations of our youth, the ‘Gen-Zs’ of 1971 and 1987, that we learned the importance of peaceful protest. Was Mahaweli, which irrigates a million acres of our land and provides a third of our electricity free, a curse? Was the sacrifice of the lives of thousands of soldiers in defence of this land a curse? Was achieving self-sufficiency in rice a curse? Were the hundreds of garment and other factories established by Ranasinghe Premadasa a curse? It was this last innovation that allowed tens of thousands of young women, for the first time in our history, to leave their village, become financially independent, and choose their own life-partners. If all these were curses, may we be cursed some more. And, Gen-Z, please learn to take some responsibility for yourselves: it was you who voted preponderantly for Gota in 2019 and 2020.

The 225 Must Go

I haven’t quite grasped what this means, but at face value it suggests that there should be a new general election. If so, fine, that is a legitimate request, in which case, ask explicitly for a dissolution of parliament. But I see vague calls that the 225 must be replaced by ‘intellectuals’. I have even seen my own name in lists of prospective ‘intellectuals’. I’m flattered, but I disagree. So-called intellectuals who dabble in politics hardly have a stellar track record in Sri Lanka. Just look at the dismal performance of G L Peiris and Tissa Vitarana who, if nothing else, have outlived their years.

The catastrophe that has befallen us happens to be entirely the work of ‘intellectuals’. The hyperinflation we see today was caused by Central Bank governor W. D. Lakshman, PhD, a professor of economics, printing trillions of rupees. Viyath Maga’s economics guru, Kenneth De Zylva, PhD, denies that there exists a causal link between money-printing and inflation (see if that works in your local Food City). And don’t forget that Dr P. B. Jayasundara, the father of this calamity, is also an ‘intellectual’. The architects of our agricultural downfall too, were intellectuals: Anuruddha Padeniya and Priyantha Yapa. It was the latter, by the way, who led Sri Lanka into becoming the only country in the world to prohibit the burial of covid victims, thus angering the entire Arab world, if not the civilized world.

What this government lacks is not intellectualism, it is common sense. Some of Britain’s most successful prime ministers, such as David Lloyd-George, Winston Churchill and John Major didn’t so much as have a university degree. Gordon Brown, PhD, on the other hand, was a dismal failure. But the fact remains that Sri Lanka is still to have a nominal head of state with a university degree. Except for Sir Henry Monck-Mason Moore (1944-48), that is.

Constitutional Reform

Many people see constitutional reform as a cure for our national ills. I am not so sure. We have had several constitutions in the past 70 years, and none of them really worked. To imagine we’ll have better luck next time is perhaps wishful thinking, but that isn’t to say we shouldn’t try. Likewise, our penchant for blaming the executive presidency for all our ills: Sirima Bandaranaike managed to reduce the country to ruin and penury without it (aided, to boot, by eminent ‘intellectuals’ such as N M Perera, PhD and Colvin R de Silva, PhD).

What I find vexing about Sri Lankan constitutionality is that it seems to lack a philosophy. The UK’s ‘unwritten constitution’, for example, is based on 800 years of custom, tradition and precedent. Its philosophy through the centuries has been to constantly erode the power of the Crown (the so-called royal prerogative) in favour of the people. As recently as 2019, the UK’s Supreme Court overruled the prorogation of parliament decreed by the queen, in effect amending the Constitution without even saying so.

The American Constitution, by contrast, rejected custom and tradition in favour of aspiration. Based on the philosophical writings of thinkers such as John Locke and Thomas Paine, Jefferson crafted the Declaration of Independence not for the world as it was, but for the world as he wished it to be. “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal…”, he wrote, while still owning slaves. Some may call that hypocrisy; I call it aspiration.

It has never been clear to me what the philosophy of our constitution is. The precedence accorded Buddhism, harking to the Kandyan Convention, recalls custom and tradition. And then, we are awarded a bunch of aspirational rights and liberties such as Speech, Assembly and Association (though, to poor Prageeth Ekneligoda’s cost, not Life), none of which amounts to very much given that “All existing written law and unwritten law shall be valid and operative notwithstanding any inconsistency with the preceding provisions of this Chapter”. In other words, none of those rights actually amounts to much.

In my view, this philosophical muddle is because our constitution is written not for the people by the people (or else how would Ranjan Ramanayake end up in prison?), but by politicians for politicians, or worse, by lawyers for lawyers.

To Gen-Z out on Galle Face then, my unreserved admiration. Don’t ever stop thinking about tomorrow. But you must find consensus in your messaging. Anarchy only causes problems: it does not solve them. Be careful what you wish for.



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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