Features
THE ONE LAW FOR SRI LANKA
by M Sornarajah
Emeritus Professor of Law
National University of Singapore
The consideration of a one law for Sri Lanka by a commission headed by a divisive figure was emblematic of an administration driven by ethno-nationalist animosities. Now that the young in particular have arisen against such tendencies, it is necessary to consider the one law that has guided and should guide the future of Sri Lanka.
The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, in a long course of decisions, has held that customary international law, particularly the law on human rights, forms part of the law of Sri Lanka. It is the customary international law so declared by the Supreme Court that truly constitutes the one law of Sri Lanka. In that course of precedents are cases that captured the public imagination. In one, the court ordered that a foreign investment for the mining of phosphate in Eppawala, which would have caused the depletion of natural resources and harmed the foundations of the sacred sites in the area, should be discontinued. In another case, the Supreme Court protected the right of a young politician, Mahinda Rajapakse, in his earlier avatar as a human rights activist, to travel to Geneva to present the case before the Human Rights Committee on the rights of JVP detainees. Many of these cases were argued successfully by my distinguished teacher at the University of Ceylon, the late Mr RKW Goonesekere. A long-time Principal of the Law College, he was a teacher to many lawyers of Sri Lanka. He was committed to the cause of human rights in this country.
A later case, he argued, Sinnarasa v AG in which a politically inclined chief justice held that customary international law on torture is not incorporated in Sri Lankan law, unless expressed through statute, is an aberration widely condemned both in and outside Sri Lanka. It rests on the diminished authority of that particular chief justice. It does not reflect the law in any other common law jurisdiction. The judgment has been condemned by academics both in Sri Lanka and abroad. It, in no way, affects the established rule in Sri Lankan law that customary international law forms a part of the law of Sri Lanka.
The acceptance of customary international law as the only law that is common to Sri Lanka, besides of course, the law contained in legislation and the residual Roman Dutch law, is crucial to Sri Lanka at the current political stage. The consideration of any other “one law” would be divisive and inopportune at a time when the country is going through much hardship. Its pressing problems are reconciliation after the protracted civil war, the release of people kept in custody for inordinately long periods without trial on the allegation that they are terrorists under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act, the problem of missing persons and the elimination of rampant corruption that denudes the people of their wealth. For each of these issues, the answer lies in the adherence to the standards mandated by customary international law. The gradual moving away from the standards of the rule of law incorporated in customary international law is a prime reason for the political and economic conditions in our country. Some incidents of this are the lack of an independent judiciary, the absence of equal protection under the law of all citizens of the state, the principle of meritrocracy in public appointments, rampant corruption and the failure of the state to protect the lives of its citizens while having knowledge of threats to their lives.
There are more pressing issues than the stoking of communal and religious passions on the basis of an inquiry to institute one law for Sri Lanka presided over by a convicted Buddhist priest who has a history for promoting racial and religious hatred. There is already one law for Sri Lanka from which rules necessary for our political life can be quarried. Three important areas for which international law points to solutions relate to the need to bring about solutions to the ethnic dispute, the abolition of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the rampant corruption that has induced an economic crisis in the country.
The 74-year curse of Sri Lanka has been the ethnic problem. It lies at the root of the present calamities. Every politician of the major political parties has jumped on the bandwagon of Sinhala Buddhist extremism to achieve power and then, engaged in corruption, without bringing any benefit to the people. While the children of these Sinhala Buddhist chauvinists were educated overseas or in international schools in English, the children of the poor have been taught in swabasha and are denied access to education in the sciences and technology. They are the political fodder for the future. It is necessary to put an end to this pernicious cycle. International law recognizes the equality of all human beings, as the organizing principle of life. International law recognizes the right to self-determination of the minorities as a means to a solution of ethnic problems. The lesser form of it permits solution within a unitary state. Internal self-determination speaks of devolution and other forms of constitutional settlement. The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka has held that such a solution is in keeping with the Constitution. Such ideas must be explored in putting this particular problem to rest for progress to be achieved. If they do not succeed, the rights of the minorities to be protected by external self-determination revive. The state must rapidly put in place a system that ensures maximum devolution of powers and equality to all minorities to avoid such a result.
The Prevention of Terrorism Act is an outcome of the ethnic problem. Its draconian provisions have resulted in several persons taken into custody going missing. Several still languish in jails without trial. Spurious convictions have occurred through forced confessions. The situation has provoked universal condemnation. Seven United Nations Rapporteurs have, in a joint report, identified what needs to be corrected in the PTA. They identified the following five “necessary prerequisites”: (i) a precise definition of terrorism in line with international norms (ii) legal certainty, especially where the Act impacts on freedoms relating to expression, association, opinion, religion or belief; (iii) prevention of arbitrary deprivation of liberty; (iv) prevention of torture and enforced disappearance; (v) provision of due process and fair trial guarantees.
The government has recently made cosmetic changes to the legislation that are woefully inadequate to meet these requirements. It would be best to abolish the Act and draft new legislation afresh making it measure up to international law standards. The abolition would mean that those who languish in the jails will be released. It is necessary to account for those gone missing after they had been taken into custody or had surrendered to the agents of the government. It is necessary to end the shameful episodes in our law through accountability and make a fresh beginning. The police, the armed forces and the state show scant regard to the value of the lives of citizens as there have been deaths at their hands which have not been inquired into. There has been no attributability of responsibility for these deaths.
The third factor is the extent of corruption that attends our public life. The politicians and the religious leaders who support them have earned public contempt. In that context, it is necessary to follow the prescriptions contained in the United Nations Convention on Corruption, the principles of which are widely considered customary international law. Sri Lanka has signed and ratified the Convention but has, characteristically, not made it part of domestic law. 186 countries (including Uganda) are parties to the Convention. The Convention creates procedure for money stashed away in foreign countries by corrupt politicians to be brought back to Sri Lanka. It will enable the repatriation of proceeds of corruption by successive administrations in Sri Lanka. Money stolen from the people can defray the debts that the country has incurred by successive corrupt administrations. The proceeds of corruption, defined as gained through abuse of “the power entrusted by the people for private gain” must be returned to the people.
Corruption is a violation of fundamental rights of the citizen as it leads to misallocation of public funds. It offends the right to equality by giving access to unexplainable wealth accumulation in the corrupt. There must be fundamental rights cases brought against the politicians requiring that they pay damages personally for the violations of these rights. BASL should take a lead in this. That is possible under existing law. Tracing the corrupt funds in foreign banks will be facilitated if new legislation incorporating the UN Convention on Corruption is made part of our law. True it is that the procedures for the recovery of the proceeds of corruption will take time but sooner they are instituted and the proceeds secured for eventual recovery the better.
Rather than pursue hate-mongering through the search for one law, the Government should pursue the rules of the one law that the Supreme Court has recognized as binding in Sri Lanka in finding solutions to the pressing problems of our country.
Germany had Hitler, a dictator who killed over 12 million Jewish people and took the country to war. After the Second World War, the German People, in the hope of avoiding repetition of such a calamity, enacted a constitution which makes human dignity and international law its centre-pieces. Article 1 reads :
Article 1[Human dignity – Human rights – Legally binding force of basic rights]
1. (1) Human dignity shall be inviolable. To respect and protect it shall be the duty of all state authority.
2. (2) The German people therefore acknowledge inviolable and inalienable human rights as the basis of every community, of peace and of justice in the world.
The Basic Law of Germany has a provision, Basic Law 25 which reads:
Article 25[Primacy of international law]The general rules of international law shall be an integral part of federal law. They shall take precedence over the laws and directly create rights and duties for the in-habitants of the federal territory.
It is imperative that a new beginning is made in Sri Lanka after the present chaos. When it comes about, human dignity, human rights and the duty of the state to protect human lives must be prioritized and provision must be made in the constitution to secure the primacy of international law.
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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