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Last chance for Parliament

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by Sanja de Silva Jayatilleka

The People have spoken. They no longer regard their Parliamentary representatives with any kind of trust and respect. Read their placards. Listen to what they say. No longer is Parliament a repository of hope and expectation. In their reckoning, you, their elected representatives in Parliament, have let them down and they are done forgiving and forgetting. Instead, now awakened by unprecedented economic hardships, they mean to hold you accountable.

Our country has gone from being the “Resplendent Isle” to being the Basket Case of South Asia. It’s in all sorts of trouble. People have died in fuel and gas queues. Basics are in short supply and now, for many, unaffordable. Essential medicines are unavailable. No one is looking forward to the Sinhala and Tamil New Year in a few days.

The people’s disgust at most of you who represented them for many years in Parliament, is clearly and unambiguously displayed for all to see at the on-going protests. They blame you for the manner in which they have been cheated, deceived and wrung out in every possible way. Corruption, mismanagement, nepotism have been rife amongst a large part of the ruling elite and the People believe that either you benefitted from it or didn’t have the courage to stand against it.

The People have seen through the “whitened sepulchers” inhabiting the temple of democracy in which they had placed their trust. You have treated that trust with contempt. Now the People have nothing but frustrated contempt for you!

The conduct of many of you in Parliament over the last few days, at such a decisive moment of this country’s history, with on-going agitations by every social group and community, was a shameful revelation of your total disregard for the people, their voices and their welfare. Instead, you displayed your supreme preoccupation with your own interests. You didn’t impress them and their desperation only increased.

The President, whom the people want gone, like yesterday, is not planning to do anything of the sort. He doesn’t hear them. That much was proudly announced in Parliament, so as to leave no one in doubt. While the ruined lives of the less fortunate and their livelihoods are steadily heading towards complete collapse, it looks like the rulers are carefully stepping around the remains and plotting the continuance of the rest of their terms of office.

The People, out on the streets, are in no mood to accommodate them. Added now to their cries for the President’s departure is the growing demand for the 225 to be gone as well, together with “the system” which they say has created and enabled this present situation where the people were clearly the losers and will continue to be so.

The government’s record, as revealed during the current debate in parliament has only confirmed the suspicions of the people of the ineptitude of the legislators: more than 18% of children today are malnourished. It also revealed that military spending as a percentage of government expenditure is only second to Israel! The people saw that the government chose to fatten the military and starve the children. Surely those responsible deserve all the insults they are getting on the streets today.

The people had heard the experts repeatedly warn that unless the government changed their path, the country would go bankrupt. But the government was beyond listening to experts. The unilateralism which started with the fertilizer ban continued through the international bond payments. Never mind the cost. There were always the downtrodden to pay the bill. They are no longer willing to pay quietly for the numerous mistakes of those they elected to make things better for them. They demand that the perpetrators pay for them, starting with those who have looted the treasury.

The people, together as one, are calling for the change that they see as necessary to save their country, and themselves. Waving constitutional and legal arguments at them, however valid, as to the unviability of their demands has only made them more determined in their agitation. They expect the Parliament to come up with a solution, and their unrelenting pressure has finally extracted a number of proposals from the legislators.

The Proposals

The proposals in themselves, don’t seem to have reassured the people. They have a basic demand which they don’t seem to want to give up, that of the President leaving. The government is clear that such a demand will not be accommodated in any shape or form. A gridlock replete with danger, given the mood on the street and the numbers gathering along them. One hopes it will be resolved in some peaceful form. It is hardly possible to comprehend the casual dismissal with which this unprecedented phenomenon is being regarded by the government. They do this at their own peril.

As for their second demand, the proposals offer options for an interim administration which goes some way towards addressing the crisis and the insistent chants of the people. It’s best if the Parliament acts quickly to make those proposals work inside the citadel before matters devolve entirely to the street. It is not unknown to have happened outside parliaments (and Constitutions) in other parts of the world.

Once the immediate crisis is addressed, and the economy is stabilized to the extent possible, the people demand a newly elected President and representatives in Parliament. Elected by a now ‘woke’ population, sick and tired of being pawns in an unsavory game that they had been unwittingly part of. I would say it’s no great prediction that at such a time, a change is certainly going to come.

It’s up to the legislators now to decide on how to deliver what the people demand. Their current concern with their own agendas is rapidly losing them the little respect that remains. The time is now, for those few legislators who actually care, to display courage and concern for the multitudes waving flags and placards, screaming their appeals for meaningful action to bring about real change.

The sooner those with the power to legislate get their act together, the better it is for them and any plans they have of continued participation in politics of this country. If they choose to do so, this is their chance to prove to the people of Sri Lanka that they are the exception to the broad-brush impression of an incompetent, uncaring and dishonest 225.

The Movement

A Movement was born out of the misery of the people. No curfew, no masked motorcyclists carrying automatic weapons, no threats and intimidation has been able to stop the Movement. It’s been swelling at the edges as every sector, every professional group has been inspired by the courage of the people who chose to protest. Lawyers protest outside the Attorney-General’s department, doctors and hospital workers protest lack of lifesaving medicines, priests and nuns, teachers and 5-star hotel employees, students and day workers, entrepreneurs and the super-rich are all part of the Movement, chanting the same slogans, simple enough to be understood, powerful enough to reflect their bitter anger.

And now, they have come to the city, in their thousands or tens of thousands, and have gathered opposite the Presidential Secretariat, filling the roads all around it to drive home their message. They have come to the heart of the city to confront their President and his power-structure in a show of unity and strength, unseen since the moment of Independence 74 years ago.

It is to this generation that another kind of struggle, one to free themselves and their country from their own elected rulers, has fallen. They are proving that they are equal to it.

Will those parliamentarians who assert that they are different, stand alongside and play their part? Are they equal to the challenge of navigating their constitutional space in Parliament to offer the change they demand? The opportunity to respond may be time-bound.



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Opinion

Panadura debate: special exhibition most welcome

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The special exhibition displaying original manuscripts relating to the Panadura Debate at Rankoth Vihara is welcome and, as Nishantha Peiris mentions (News, 30 Aug), the debate gained international interest following the publication of a book containing the speeches made in the debate. The credit for this must be given to John Capper, the then editor of the Ceylon Times. He published an account of each day’s proceedings in his paper and the full text of the speeches in a book entitled ‘Full Account of the Buddhist Controversy Held at Pantura in August 1873.

The preface of the book stated: ‘In the belief that an authentic account of the Controversy which took place at Pantura in August last, between a Buddhist Priest and two Ministers of the Protestant religion, will be read with interest by a large number of persons here and in Europe. I have produced the proceedings in the present form. The report has been revised by the respective disputants, so that it may be taken as a correct account of what passed’.

Capper’s book was picked up by J M Peebles who was in India, who then published an extended version in the United States. If an original copy of Capper’s book is available in Sri Lanka, it should be exhibited in the Rankoth exhibition.

Yours faithfully,

Dr R P Fernando,

19 Danetree Close,
Epsom UK

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Opinion

In Memory of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda

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Dr. Pethiyagoda

It is with a deep sense of sadness that I record the passing of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda, who died on 27 August 2026 at the age of 94. To many, he was a distinguished scientist, accomplished administrator, diplomat and public intellectual. To me, he was much more than that.

Dr Pethiyagoda was a proud product of Trinity College, Kandy. At a time when a first class in Botany was a rarity, he obtained one and subsequently pursued postgraduate studies in London. His scientific career reflected not only his knowledge but, more importantly, an enquiring and restless mind that was never satisfied with simply accepting what was known.

In the 1970s, he headed the Plant Physiology Department of the Tea Research Institute of Sri Lanka. He was part of a formidable team of scientists that included Drs R L de Silva, R L Wickramasinghe, P Sivapalan, Tilak Wettasinghe and W Danthanarayana. They were scientists who contributed enormously to the development of the tea industry in Sri Lanka, and Dr Pethiyagoda stood comfortably among them.

In 1978, he moved to the Coconut Research Institute as its Director. It was there that I had the privilege of working with him. Those years left a lasting impression on me.

Dr Pethiyagoda was, in every sense, a complete scientist. Although his formal specialisation was plant physiology, he was remarkably comfortable discussing almost anything scientific. What distinguished him was his curiosity. He questioned the science behind the ordinary things that most of us simply accepted. I remember his asking questions such as, why is an orange green in Sri Lanka? It was typical of him: an apparently simple observation would lead him to ask what lay behind it.

That curiosity never left him.

After his tenure at the CRI, he undertook an FAO assignment in the Middle East, working on the improvement of date palms. There he was exposed to agriculture under conditions of severe water scarcity. He pursued this further during a visit to Israel, learning about agronomic practices suited to such environments. Later, when he worked with the Mahaweli Authority, he was able to translate that knowledge into practice, introducing high-value horticultural crops to Systems B and C.

What impressed me was not merely that he acquired knowledge, but that he connected knowledge from one context to another and turned it into practical solutions. His enquiring mind and analytical ability enabled him to do this with remarkable effectiveness.

He was equally impressive as a communicator. Dr Pethiyagoda was an eloquent speaker, whether he was talking about science, agriculture, public policy or the everyday affairs of our country. His speeches were often laced with wit, humour and the occasional tongue-in-cheek remark. But beneath the humour was a very serious mind. He was forthright in his opinions and, importantly, he was not afraid to express them, whatever the possible repercussions.

His contributions to the media demonstrated this courage.

Writing about the travel to London by a former President, he observed:

“Where a person enjoys immunity by virtue of his position, this carries a reciprocal obligation to exercise an abundance of exemplary behaviour. In effect, immunity is best exercised, when the need to invoke it, is never allowed to arise.”

[Immunity Does Not Confer Impunity – Colombo Telegraph]

That was quintessential Pethiyagoda—precise, pointed and impossible to misunderstand.

He was equally outspoken about the government’s decision to ban inorganic fertiliser with ‘immediate effect’. He was deeply distressed by what he believed would be the consequences for farmers, particularly the poorer farming community. He would speak about it almost every day, driven not by political considerations but by his conviction that science and evidence had been disregarded.

In one of his writings on the subject, he remarked:

“What the ‘Vipathmaga’ caper taught us was that advice of sundry ‘Experts’ can be disastrous. Professors of Surgery, clergymen and Pediatricians are not the best equipped to advise on fertilisers, as much as a Soil Scientist should not prescribe treatment for a sick child.’ [Some Lessons That Can Be Learned Even From Disasters – Colombo Telegraph]

And in another article, his frustration was summed up in the memorable words:

“Stupidity, like History, has a way of repeating itself.”

[Unscrambling eggs – Colombo Telegraph]

These were not simply provocative statements. They reflected a scientist who believed deeply that public decisions, particularly those affecting agriculture and the livelihoods of farmers, should be based on evidence and sound scientific advice.

Perhaps, what I will remember most about Dr Pethiyagoda is that his curiosity survived almost to the very end of his life.

Very recently, he was still asking questions and pursuing ideas. He was interested in the possible genetic differences between the waraka and wela varieties of jak, because he wondered whether the wela variety might have commercial potential for cellulose extraction. He was disappointed that he could not find relevant scientific literature in Sri Lanka. More than the particular subject, what struck me was that at 94 he was still thinking about a scientific question, looking for evidence and wondering whether an apparently ordinary resource could have an important national application. He lamented the lack of interest among scientists and academics in such questions of national importance. That concern, too, was very much part of who he was.

Dr Pethiyagoda also served as President of the National Academy of Sciences, Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, he was unable to complete his term because he was appointed Ambassador to Italy, with representation at the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome. Even in that role, he remained very much the scientist. I understand that he made a significant contribution to FAO discussions. As Ambassador, he also had the unenviable task of entertaining Sri Lankan Ministers of Agriculture who attended FAO sessions. I know from my own conversations with him that those informal dinners were not merely social occasions. He would discuss agricultural issues with the Ministers, and I have little doubt that his views—and the force with which he expressed them—sometimes influenced their thinking.

Looking back, what I admired most about Dr Pethiyagoda was not any particular position he held or any particular achievement. It was the way he thought.

He questioned.
He analysed.
He connected ideas.
He challenged conventional wisdom.
And he was willing to say what he believed to be true.

He also demonstrated that science should not remain confined to laboratories, research papers or academic institutions. For him, science was a way of looking at the world and, ultimately, a means of improving the lives of people.

It is perhaps ironic that, only a few months ago, he wrote about “The Cost of Dying”, as distinct from the “Cost of Living”. In that article, he reflected on the manner in which our mortal remains should be disposed of, observing: “I am in two minds regarding the manner in which the mortal remains are disposed of, ‘according to the will of the deceased’. But with the cessation of the breath, ownership or tenancy ceases.” Even in contemplating death, he brought his characteristic questioning mind to the subject. What particularly caught my attention, however, was his explanation of the Buddhist practice of holding dânes (almsgivings) for monks of the local temple in the seventh day and third month following a death. I had never really thought about the significance of this practice before. That, too, was typical of Dr Pethiyagoda: he could take something that we had accepted as ordinary and familiar and make us stop, think and see it differently.

His passing has created a colossal vacuum in Sri Lanka’s scientific community. People of his intellectual breadth, curiosity, courage and independence are rare. We may not always have agreed with everything he said, but we could never doubt that he had thought deeply about it and that he had the courage of his convictions.

For those of us who had the privilege of knowing him, there is sadness in his passing. But there is also gratitude—for having known such an extraordinary mind, for having learnt from him, and for having witnessed at close quarters his unwavering commitment to science and to the development of our country.

I shall remember Dr Pethiyagoda with great affection and immense respect.

Ranjith Mahindapala
Past President, National Academy of Sciences of Sri Lanka.

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Opinion

A neighbour’s view of India’s strategic strengths

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What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase

by Milinda Moragoda

In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.

As India marks eight decades of Independence, its strategic position has changed almost beyond recognition. Yet the central question of strategic autonomy remains. What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase.

India has spent the past decade expanding its strategic choices — deepening ties with the US, Europe and Japan while maintaining important ties with Russia and strengthening engagement with the Gulf, Africa and Southeast Asia. Australia and New Zealand are also becoming increasingly important partners in the wider Indo-Pacific. At the same time, India has sought a larger voice for the developing world in international institutions. Strategic autonomy has traditionally been understood in diplomatic terms: the ability to maintain freedom of action without being drawn into competing power blocs. In an increasingly interconnected world, however, that freedom will depend just as much on economic choices.

The objective should be strategic interdependence — building sufficiently diverse relationships that dependence on any one country or economic system does not become a vulnerability. India is unusually well placed to pursue this. Its geography connects the Gulf and wider West Asia, the manufacturing economies of Asia, Africa across the Indian Ocean and the Eurasian space extending through Russia. The opportunity, therefore, is to become a connector between economies increasingly fragmented by geopolitical competition.

India’s relationship with Japan is extending into advanced manufacturing, technology, energy, semiconductors and critical minerals. Its engagement with the US is deepening across technology, investment, advanced manufacturing, energy and strategic cooperation, while its engagement with Europe is becoming increasingly economic and technological. Its relationships with the Gulf are expanding beyond energy into investment and connectivity. Australia and New Zealand add an important southern dimension to its wider Indo-Pacific engagement, while Southeast Asia provides pathways into wider Asian production networks.

Russia remains an important part of this equation. India’s continuing engagement with Moscow, alongside its deepening relationships with Washington, Tokyo, Europe and the Gulf, demonstrates that strategic autonomy gives India the flexibility to maintain important relationships across geopolitical divides.

China inevitably occupies a special place in this landscape. India’s answer cannot be either excessive dependence or complete separation. It will require strengthening domestic capabilities, diversifying supply chains and building partnerships elsewhere, while retaining space for engagement where interests permit.

India possesses another asset that few countries can match: a large, globally active and influential diaspora. Yet the diaspora can also present challenges, as political currents within these communities do not always align with India’s interests and can occasionally create sensitivities in its relations with host countries. The greater opportunity lies in nurturing the economic, intellectual and cultural connections the diaspora can create, while respecting its diversity and independence. In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.

Ports, shipping routes, energy corridors, digital infrastructure, supply chains and trade agreements increasingly shape strategic influence. India’s challenge is to bring these strands together without turning them into a closed sphere of influence.

India’s economic rise will be more sustainable if other countries see themselves as participants in its growth rather than simply as markets for it. The value for India lies in making these relationships complementary rather than choosing among them. India’s leadership of the Global South can now move beyond representation in international forums towards creating an international economic environment in which developing countries have greater choices. India’s own experience is relevant here. It has moved from a relatively closed economic model towards deeper global integration while retaining a strong emphasis on domestic capability. The lesson is that openness and strategic autonomy need not be contradictory.

As the G20 meets again in Miami in December, India can continue to argue that the Global South should not merely seek greater representation within existing institutions, but a greater stake in shaping the economic networks and institutions of the future. An economically integrated Indian Ocean could allow countries such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and the Maldives to participate more deeply in regional supply chains, logistics, energy, tourism, technology and services. Influence based on shared prosperity is more durable influence based on dependence. India’s strategic opportunity, therefore, lies in becoming one of the principal connectors of a changing world.

(Milinda Moragoda is founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, strategic affairs think tank, and can be contacted via email @milinda.org.)

Courtesy Hindustan Times

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