Midweek Review

Up the garden path with the JVP. Again?

Published

4 years ago

2022/02/16

by G. B. Morrel

In 1970-71, when I was enrolled at Maharagama Teachers’ College, the JVP, better known then as Che Guevarists, were active there, most noticeably in the hand-written posters they plastered on the parapet wall at the entrance. But we English trainees, the “kaduwa” group, had little interest in revolutionary politics.

Then, in April ’71, the JVP launched the insurgency. The college was closed for the April holidays. Amateurish and poorly organised, the insurgency was crushed within a few weeks.

I received a telegram from the principal, asking me to report to him ASAP. When I did, a police jeep took me to the Maharagama police station for questioning. My crime? Playing cricket. Apparently, the team’s opening bowler was a JVP leader, and I had dropped-in at his “chummery” on the way to practice.

The police station had been attacked by teacher trainees on April 5, and three captured trainees were lying in the remand cell, beaten-up and whimpering in pain. Despite the repeated yells from the HQI next door to “give him (me!) the works”, the kindly sergeant who questioned me realised that this terrified “lansiya” had no terrorist motives, and I was allowed to go home that evening. But others weren’t that fortunate. When the teachers’ college reopened, the more active Che Guevarists were not to be seen. Taken up the garden path by the JVP, and duped into an illusion of taking over a country with old shotguns and crude hand bombs, they had vanished into prisons or unmarked graves.

I begin with this personal anecdote because, over the past 50 years, I have observed the JVP leading the people of this country astray, while committing atrocities that have brutalised our society. This is not a lengthy, analytical dissertation on the duplicity of the JVP, but a brief attempt to revive readers’ memories and warn of coming danger.

Intimidating higher education

My next encounter with the JVP was at Kelaniya Campus, where I taught as an instructor later in the 70’s. The students’ council was in the hands of the JVP by then, and, mainly through intimidation, they ran the campus. New students were ragged mercilessly, and staff members who opposed the ragging threatened. Once, passing the Vice Chancellor’s office, I saw that it was crowded with JVP goons, some even standing on his desk and shouting at the VC, who was seated, obviously terrified. A grandfatherly professor, he was no match for the thugs.

I also recall some young mathematics teachers who were admitted to campus for a diploma course. These teachers were dragged to the dark basement of the science faculty and brutalised (ragging is too polite a word for the violence that was enacted).

Due to strikes and violence, the campuses was shut down for months; I stayed home so often that neighbours assumed I was unemployed. Because of the postponements in the academic calendar, by as much as four years, some students preferred to go abroad for higher studies. Once bitten, many of them never returned to Sri Lanka, depriving the country of their talent and potential contribution.

Another short-sighted JVP move was against the North Colombo Medical College (NCMC), a fee-levying, non-profit institution that was set up by the College of General Practitioners. The JVP led a non-stop campaign against the college, culminating in a bomb attack in 1988. The college had graduated more than a thousand doctors by then. It was nationalised the following year.

Privately funded higher education was unknown in South Asia at that time, and had the college continued, it would have attracted international students from the region, bringing foreign exchange into the country, and leading to the creation of a high-quality medical hub, including world class medical schools and teaching hospitals. Instead, now, millions of dollars leave the country each year as fees by Sri Lankan students enrolled in foreign medical schools.

Years later, I came to know Dr. Sathis Jayasinghe, who was a founding member of the NCMC. Gentle and soft-spoken, a beloved family physician, he was called the “visionary who created 1,000 doctors” when he passed away last year. Had the college been allowed to continue, Dr. Jayasinghe would have created 10,000 doctors, saved Sri Lanka millions of dollars, earned foreign exchange, while providing world class medical care to everyone.

The insurrection

More Sri Lankans may have experienced the JVP’s second violent attempt at seizing power in 1987-89. Better organised than the 1971 insurgency, the JVP resorted to “subversion, assassinations, raids, and attacks on military and civilian targets”. Not only were the police and security forces attacked, but even their families were not spared.

In essence, the JVP was being opportunistic, assuming that the government would not cope with two conflicts, in the north and east with the LTTE and with the JVP elsewhere. But they were proved wrong, instead forced to drown in a bloody retaliation that the government unleashed. For a moment, assuming that the JVP was victorious, how could they have fought the LTTE? With the help of their erstwhile friends, the North Koreans?

Two of the JVP killings still rankle me. One is the assassination of Vijaya Kumaratunga, who brought a sense of idealism from his heroic cinema roles into politics. The second was the killing of Premakeerthi de Alwis, who brought so much joy to music lovers like me with his lyrics describing the bitter sweetness of youthful love. Called “a lyric writing machine” by his first wife, Premakeerthi wrote hundreds of songs for numerous artistes, and would still be writing memorable lyrics if he had been allowed to live.

What was achieved by killing Vijaya and Premakeerthi?

Making heroes out of murderers

Every year, the JVP holds a commemoration for “fallen comrades”. At this and other occasions, their founding leader is portrayed with a beret at a rakish angle and a beard, symbolic of Che Guevara and Castro. But the Che that they idolise succeeded only in Cuba. His attempts to foment rebellion in Africa and South America went nowhere. Likewise, Castro’s flawed policy – allowing Soviet ballistic missiles on Cuban soil, only 90 miles from the USA – lead to strict sanctions by the US that have impoverished Cuba ever since. I do not condone the sanctions, but what did Castro expect to achieve by confronting the US?

Wijeweera, and other leaders of his era, have blood on their hands. While they are romanticised as heroes, no collective commemoration of JVP victims is held. Instead, their families mourn these victims in private grief.

At least two mainstream Sinhala newspapers have been carrying those beret clad photos of Wijeweera, and, on a regular basis, describing the 1971 insurgency, even those pathetic, starving retreats through jungles, in romanticised, nostalgic terms. Mythmaking at its best, and fodder for the gullible.

India as the ogre; Lessons not learned

Having been in politics for more than 50 years, and with two crushing defeats under their belts, one would expect the JVP to learn some lessons. But, going by recent statements by Sunil Handunetti, a JVP leader, it seems otherwise.

One topic of the JVP’s infamous five lectures was India’s expansionist agenda. In essence, the JVP was virulently anti-Indian. In a recent statement, Handunetti appears to echo the past, when he criticised the leasing of some oil tanks in Trincomalee to an Indian company, and a proposed bridge to connect India with Sri Lanka.

Those oil tanks were built before World War II, when Trincomalee, with its deep harbour, was developed as a logistics hub by the British. The 100 tanks, with a total capacity of 1.2 million tons, far exceeds Sri Lanka’s needs, and only 15 tanks are used by the Petroleum Corporation. Fifty tanks were leased recently to an Indian company, but the JVP sees this as a loss of sovereignty; instead of earning foreign exchange, allowing the tanks to rust and decay is their preference.

Anyone who has seen the desolation and the hard scrabble lives of Wanni residents would support any form of development in the region. The shutdown of the ferry service between the two countries dealt a blow to the little direct commerce that existed between the Mannar area and southern India. Talk of a bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka has been in the air for years. Such a link would be a boon to low impact tourism and commerce, and improve the wretched lives of many Wanni residents. Even if the bridge ever gets built, these Indians will not be coming as “kallothonis”. Instead, they will be arriving through formal immigration and customs regulations.

But, the JVP only sees swarms of Indians entering this country, threatening our so-called security and sovereignty. This type of thinking is known as “island mentality”, and harks back to the narrow-minded thinking of the “five lectures”. Of course, “threats from India” usually draw headlines and votes.

Ever since the race riots of 1958, and later fed by other acts of mass violence (the Black July of 1983 comes to mind), the JVP revolts, and the civil war, a large section of our society has no doubt turned brutish. The 2500-year civilization is no more than a myth, and Buddha’s teachings have been tarnished by politicised monks. Corruption, endemic to our society, has turned stratospheric since the “Helping Hambantota” scam. From the lowly peon at a government office to the highest offices of the land, not much gets done without a bribe.

Thus, the yearning for change in the country is understandable. For most people, a radical change of government – power going to a group that has not held power before – appears to be the obvious choice. Hence, the giddy enthusiasm for the JVP, and Anura Kumara Dissanayake being anointed the coming messiah. (Ironically, that’s how Gotabaya Rajapaksa was hailed before the last election.) But, with just 4% of the total vote at the last Presidential election, a snowball has a better chance in hell than a JVP victory at the next election. Nevertheless, there is another danger.

The Ralph Nader Effect

Nader is acclaimed for his activism in consumer protection, environmentalism, and government reform. Seat belts in vehicles, which have countless lives and major injuries, are attributed to his critique of American automobiles. But he has gained notoriety for a costly run for the Presidency of the United States.

The US Presidential election of 2000 came down to the wire, with the State of Florida deciding the ultimate winner. George W. Bush, the Republican candidate, won Florida by just 537 votes over the Democrat, Al Gore. Nader, running as the Green Party candidate, received 97,421 votes in Florida. Undoubtedly, Nader was a spoiler. The cost of Bush’s Presidency – to the Middle East, to Afghanistan – in the hundreds of thousands of lives lost, the massive displacement and destruction caused, the trillions of dollars gone to waste, is beyond question. So is the degradation of the environment.

When the next Presidential election comes around, if the percentage of the vote gained by the JVP is 10% or more, the SLPP (Pohottuwa) may squeeze out a win, a repetition of the Nader effect. The JVP will be the spoiler.

The JVP has much to its credit. It is perhaps the least corrupt, the least racist political party. It does not kowtow to monks. It has built up a solid following among the youth, but support from a broader section of the population, one that has experienced the 1971 insurgency and the 1987-89 insurrection, is lacking. An apology for those costly mistakes, and a renunciation of ardent nationalism, may bring them to the mainstream. But, as matters stand, the JVP is unlikely to compromise.

People my age bear the burden of memory of having seen firsthand the duplicity of and the destruction caused by the JVP. They have not changed their ways. Instead, a new crop of young men and women are being led up the garden path.

Human beings have notoriously short memories, and “those who ignore history are doomed to repeat it.”

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Features

Handunnetti and Colonial Shackles of English in Sri Lanka

Published

1 day ago

2025/12/10

Thilina Walpola

Handunetti at the World Economic Forum

“My tongue in English chains.
I return, after a generation, to you.
I am at the end
of my Dravidic tether
hunger for you unassuaged
I falter, stumble.”
– Indian poet R. Parthasarathy

When Minister Sunil Handunnetti addressed the World Economic Forum’s ‘Is Asia’s Century at Risk?’ discussion as part of the Annual Meeting of the New Champions 2025 in June 2025, I listened carefully both to him and the questions that were posed to him by the moderator. The subsequent trolling and extremely negative reactions to his use of English were so distasteful that I opted not to comment on it at the time. The noise that followed also meant that a meaningful conversation based on that event on the utility of learning a powerful global language and how our politics on the global stage might be carried out more successfully in that language was lost on our people and pundits, barring a few commentaries.

Now Handunnetti has reopened the conversation, this time in Sri Lanka’s parliament in November 2025, on the utility of mastering English particularly for young entrepreneurs. In his intervention, he also makes a plea not to mock his struggle at learning English given that he comes from a background which lacked the privilege to master the language in his youth. His clear intervention makes much sense.

The same ilk that ridiculed him when he spoke at WEF is laughing at him yet again on his pronunciation, incomplete sentences, claiming that he is bringing shame to the country and so on and so forth. As usual, such loud, politically motivated and retrograde critics miss the larger picture. Many of these people are also among those who cannot hold a conversation in any of the globally accepted versions of English. Moreover, their conceit about the so-called ‘correct’ use of English seems to suggest the existence of an ideal English type when it comes to pronunciation and basic articulation. I thought of writing this commentary now in a situation when the minister himself is asking for help ‘in finding a solution’ in his parliamentary speech even though his government is not known to be amenable to critical reflection from anyone who is not a party member.

The remarks at the WEF and in Sri Lanka’s parliament are very different at a fundamental level, although both are worthy of consideration – within the realm of rationality, not in the depths of vulgar emotion and political mudslinging.

The problem with Handunnetti’s remarks at WEF was not his accent or pronunciation. After all, whatever he said could be clearly understood if listened to carefully. In that sense, his use of English fulfilled one of the most fundamental roles of language – that of communication. Its lack of finesse, as a result of the speaker being someone who does not use the language professionally or personally on a regular basis, is only natural and cannot be held against him. This said, there are many issues that his remarks flagged that were mostly drowned out by the noise of his critics.

Given that Handunnetti’s communication was clear, it also showed much that was not meant to be exposed. He simply did not respond to the questions that were posed to him. More bluntly, a Sinhala speaker can describe the intervention as yanne koheda, malle pol , which literally means, when asked ‘Where are you going?’, the answer is ‘There are coconuts in the bag’.

He spoke from a prepared text which his staff must have put together for him. However, it was far off the mark from the questions that were being directly posed to him. The issue here is that his staff appears to have not had any coordination with the forum organisers to ascertain and decide on the nature of questions that would be posed to the Minister for which answers could have been provided based on both global conditions, local situations and government policy. After all, this is a senior minister of an independent country and he has the right to know and control, when possible, what he is dealing with in an international forum.

This manner of working is fairly routine in such international fora. On the one hand, it is extremely unfortunate that his staff did not do the required homework and obviously the minister himself did not follow up, demonstrating negligence, a want for common sense, preparedness and experience among all concerned. On the other hand, the government needs to have a policy on who it sends to such events. For instance, should a minister attend a certain event, or should the government be represented by an official or consultant who can speak not only fluently, but also with authority on the subject matter. That is, such speakers need to be very familiar with the global issues concerned and not mere political rhetoric aimed at local audiences.

Other than Handunnetti, I have seen, heard and also heard of how poorly our politicians, political appointees and even officials perform at international meetings (some of which are closed door) bringing ridicule and disastrous consequences to the country. None of them are, however, held responsible.

Such reflective considerations are simple yet essential and pragmatic policy matters on how the government should work in these conditions. If this had been undertaken, the WEF event might have been better handled with better global press for the government. Nevertheless, this was not only a matter of English. For one thing, Handunnetti and his staff could have requested for the availability of simultaneous translation from Sinhala to English for which pre-knowledge of questions would have been useful. This is all too common too. At the UN General Assembly in September, President Dissanayake spoke in Sinhala and made a decent presentation.

The pertinent question is this; had Handunetti had the option of talking in Sinhala, would the interaction have been any better? That is extremely doubtful, barring the fluency of language use. This is because Handunnetti, like most other politicians past and present, are good at rhetoric but not convincing where substance is concerned, particularly when it comes to global issues. It is for this reason that such leaders need competent staff and consultants, and not mere party loyalists and yes men, which is an unfortunate situation that has engulfed the whole government.

What about the speech in parliament? Again, as in the WEF event, his presentation was crystal clear and, in this instance, contextually sensible. But he did not have to make that speech in English at all when decent simultaneous translation services were available. In so far as content was concerned, he made a sound argument considering local conditions which he knows well. The minister’s argument is about the need to ensure that young entrepreneurs be taught English so that they can deal with the world and bring investments into the country, among other things. This should actually be the norm, not only for young entrepreneurs, but for all who are interested in widening their employment and investment opportunities beyond this country and in accessing knowledge for which Sinhala and Tamil alone do not suffice.

As far as I am concerned, Handunetti’s argument is important because in parliament, it can be construed as a policy prerogative. Significantly, he asked the Minister of Education to make this possible in the educational reforms that the government is contemplating.

He went further, appealing to his detractors not to mock his struggle in learning English, and instead to become part of the solution. However, in my opinion, there is no need for the Minister to carry this chip on his shoulder. Why should the minister concern himself with being mocked for poor use of English? But there is a gap that his plea should have also addressed. What prevented him from mastering English in his youth goes far deeper than the lack of a privileged upbringing.

The fact of the matter is, the facilities that were available in schools and universities to learn English were not taken seriously and were often looked down upon as kaduwa by the political spectrum he represents and nationalist elements for whom the utilitarian value of English was not self-evident. I say this with responsibility because this was a considerable part of the reality in my time as an undergraduate and also throughout the time I taught in Sri Lanka.

Much earlier in my youth, swayed by the rhetoric of Sinhala language nationalism, my own mastery of English was also delayed even though my background is vastly different from the minister. I too was mocked, when two important schools in Kandy – Trinity College and St. Anthony’s College – refused to accept me to Grade 1 as my English was wanting. This was nearly 20 years after independence. I, however, opted to move on from the blatant discrimination, and mastered the language, although I probably had better opportunities and saw the world through a vastly different lens than the minister. If the minister’s commitment was also based on these social and political realities and the role people like him had played in negating our English language training particularly in universities, his plea would have sounded far more genuine.

If both these remarks and the contexts in which they were made say something about the way we can use English in our country, it is this: On one hand, the government needs to make sure it has a pragmatic policy in place when it sends representatives to international events which takes into account both a person’s language skills and his breadth of knowledge of the subject matter. On the other hand, it needs to find a way to ensure that English is taught to everyone successfully from kindergarten to university as a tool for inclusion, knowledge and communication and not a weapon of exclusion as is often the case.

This can only bear fruit if the failures, lapses and strengths of the country’s English language teaching efforts are taken into cognizance. Lamentably, division and discrimination are still the main emotional considerations on which English is being popularly used as the trolls of the minister’s English usage have shown. It is indeed regrettable that their small-mindedness prevents them from realizing that the Brits have long lost their long undisputed ownership over the English language along with the Empire itself. It is no longer in the hands of the colonial masters. So why allow it to be wielded by a privileged few mired in misplaced notions of elitism?

Features

Finally, Mahinda Yapa sets the record straight

Published

1 day ago

2025/12/10

Thilina Walpola

Clandestine visit to Speaker’s residence:

Finally, former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena has set the record straight with regard to a controversial but never properly investigated bid to swear in him as interim President. Abeywardena has disclosed the circumstances leading to the proposal made by external powers on the morning of 13 July, 2022, amidst a large scale staged protest outside the Speaker’s official residence, situated close to Parliament.

Lastly, the former parliamentarian has revealed that it was then Indian High Commissioner, in Colombo, Gopal Baglay (May 2022 to December 2023) who asked him to accept the presidency immediately. Professor Sunanda Maddumabandara, who served as Senior Advisor (media) to President Ranil Wickremesinghe (July 2022 to September 2024), disclosed Baglay’s direct intervention in his latest work, titled ‘Aragalaye Balaya’ (Power of Aragalaya).

Prof. Maddumabandara quoted Abeywardena as having received a startling assurance that if he agreed to accept the country’s leadership, the situation would be brought under control, within 45 minutes. Baglay had assured Abeywardena that there is absolutely no harm in him succeeding President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in view of the developing situation.

The author told the writer that only a person who had direct control over the violent protest campaign could have given such an assurance at a time when the whole country was in a flux.

One-time Vice Chancellor of the Kelaniya University, Prof. Maddumabandara, launched ‘Aragalaye Balaya’ at the Sri Lanka Foundation on 20 November. In spite of an invitation extended to former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the ousted leader hadn’t attended the event, though UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was there. Maybe Gotabaya felt the futility of trying to expose the truth against evil forces ranged against them, who still continue to control the despicable agenda.

Obviously, the author has received the blessings of Abeywardena and Wickremesinghe to disclose a key aspect in the overall project that exploited the growing resentment of the people to engineer change of Sri Lankan leadership.

The declaration of Baglay’s intervention has contradicted claims by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa (Nine: The hidden story) and award-winning writer Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: System change for anarchy) alleged that US Ambassador Julie Chung made that scandalous proposal to Speaker Abeywardena. Weerawansa and Thoradeniya launched their books on 25 April and 05 July, 2023, at the Sri Lanka Foundation and the National Library and Documentation Services Board, Independence Square, respectively. Both slipped in accusing Ambassador Chung of making an abortive bid to replace Gotabaya Rajapaksa with Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena.

Ambassador Chung categorically denied Weerawansa’s allegation soon after the launch of ‘Nine: The hidden story’ but stopped short of indicating that the proposal was made by someone else. Chung had no option but to keep quiet as she couldn’t, in response to Weerawansa’s claim, have disclosed Baglay’s intervention, under any circumstances, as India was then a full collaborator with Western designs here for its share of spoils. Weerawansa, Thoradeniya and Maddumabandara agree that Aragalaya had been a joint US-Indian project and it couldn’t have succeeded without their intervention. Let me reproduce the US Ambassador’s response to Weerawansa, who, at the time of the launch, served as an SLPP lawmaker, having contested the 2020 August parliamentary election on the SLPP ticket.

“I am disappointed that an MP has made baseless allegations and spread outright lies in a book that should be labelled ‘fiction’. For 75 years, the US [and Sri Lanka] have shared commitments to democracy, sovereignty, and prosperity – a partnership and future we continue to build together,” Chung tweeted Wednesday 26 April, evening, 24 hours after Weerawansa’s book launch.

Interestingly, Gotabaya Rajapaksa has been silent on the issue in his memoirs ‘The Conspiracy to oust me from Presidency,’ launched on 07 March, 2024.

What must be noted is that our fake Marxists, now entrenched in power, were all part and parcel of Aragalaya.

A clandestine meeting

Abeywardena should receive the appreciation of all for refusing to accept the offer made by Baglay, on behalf of India and the US. He had the courage to tell Baglay that he couldn’t accept the presidency as such a move violated the Constitution. In our post-independence history, no other politician received such an offer from foreign powers. When Baglay stepped up pressure, Abeywardena explained that he wouldn’t change his decision.

Maddumabandara, based on the observations made by Abeywardena, referred to the Indian High Commissioner entering the Speaker’s Official residence, unannounced, at a time protesters blocked the road leading to the compound. The author raised the possibility of Baglay having been in direct touch with those spearheading the high profile political project.

Clearly Abeywardena hadn’t held back anything. The former Speaker appeared to have responded to those who found fault with him for not responding to allegations, directed at him, by revealing everything to Maddumabandara, whom he described in his address, at the book launch, as a friend for over five decades.

At the time, soon after Baglay’s departure from the Speaker’s official residence, alleged co-conspirators Ven. Omalpe Sobitha, accompanied by Senior Professor of the Sinhala Faculty at the Colombo University, Ven. Agalakada Sirisumana, health sector trade union leader Ravi Kumudesh, and several Catholic priests, arrived at the Speaker’s residence where they repeated the Indian High Commissioner’s offer. Abeywardena repeated his previous response despite Sobitha Thera acting in a threatening manner towards him to accept their dirty offer. Shouldn’t they all be investigated in line with a comprehensive probe?

Ex-President Wickremesinghe with a copy of Aragalaye Balaya he received from its author, Prof. Professor Sunanda Maddumabandara, at the Sri Lanka Foundation recently (pic by Nishan S Priyantha)

On the basis of what Abeywardena had disclosed to him, Maddumabanadara also questioned the circumstances of the deployment of the elite Special Task Force (STF) contingent at the compound. The author asked whether that deployment, without the knowledge of the Speaker, took place with the intervention of Baglay.

Aragalaye Balaya

is a must read for those who are genuinely interested in knowing the unvarnished truth. Whatever the deficiencies and inadequacies on the part of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration, external powers had engineered a change of government. The writer discussed the issues that had been raised by Prof. Maddumabandara and, in response to one specific query, the author asserted that in spite of India offering support to Gotabaya Rajapaksa earlier to get Ranil Wickremesinghe elected as the President by Parliament to succeed him , the latter didn’t agree with the move. Then both the US and India agreed to bring in the Speaker as the Head of State, at least for an interim period.

If Speaker Abeywardena accepted the offer made by India, on behalf of those backing the dastardly US backed project, the country could have experienced far reaching changes and the last presidential election may not have been held in September, 2004.

After the conclusion of his extraordinary assignment in Colombo, Baglay received appointment as New Delhi’s HC in Canberra. Before Colombo, Baglay served in Indian missions in Ukraine, Russia, the United Kingdom, Nepal and Pakistan (as Deputy High Commissioner).

Baglay served in New Delhi, in the office of the Prime Minister of India, and in the Ministry of External Affairs as its spokesperson, and in various other positions related to India’s ties with her neighbours, Europe and multilateral organisations.

Wouldn’t it be interesting to examine who deceived Weerawansa and Thoradeniya who identified US Ambassador Chung as the secret visitor to the Speaker’s residence. Her high-profile role in support of the project throughout the period 31 March to end of July, 2022, obviously made her an attractive target but the fact remains it was Baglay who brought pressure on the then Speaker. Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena’s clarification has given a new twist to “Aragalaya’ and India’s diabolical role.

Absence of investigations

Sri Lanka never really wanted to probe the foreign backed political plot to seize power by extra-parliamentary means. Although some incidents had been investigated, the powers that be ensured that the overall project remained uninvestigated. In fact, Baglay’s name was never mentioned regarding the developments, directly or indirectly, linked to the devious political project. If not for Prof. Maddumabandara taking trouble to deal with the contentious issue of regime change, Baglay’s role may never have come to light. Ambassador Chung would have remained the target of all those who found fault with US interventions. Let me be clear, the revelation of Baglay’s clandestine meeting with the Speaker didn’t dilute the role played by the US in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal.

If Prof. Maddumabandara propagated lies, both the author and Abeywardana should be appropriately dealt with. Aragalaye Balaya failed to receive the desired or anticipated public attention. Those who issue media statements at the drop of a hat conveniently refrained from commenting on the Indian role. Even Abeywardena remained silent though he could have at least set the record straight after Ambassador Chung was accused of secretly meeting the Speaker. Abeywardena could have leaked the information through media close to him. Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe, too, could have done the same but all decided against revealing the truth.

A proper investigation should cover the period beginning with the declaration made by Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government, in April 2022, regarding the unilateral decision to suspend debt repayment. But attention should be paid to the failure on the part of the government to decide against seeking assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to overcome the crisis. Those who pushed Gotabaya Rajapaksa to adopt, what they called, a domestic solution to the crisis created the environment for the ultimate collapse that paved the way for external interventions. Quite large and generous Indian assistance provided to Sri Lanka at that time should be examined against the backdrop of a larger frightening picture. In other words, India was literally running with the sheep while hunting with the hounds. Whatever the criticism directed at India over its role in regime change operation, prompt, massive and unprecedented post-Cyclone Ditwah assistance, provided by New Delhi, saved Sri Lanka. Rapid Indian response made a huge impact on Sri Lanka’s overall response after having failed to act on a specific 12 November weather alert.

It would be pertinent to mention that all governments, and the useless Parliament, never wanted the public to know the truth regarding regime change project. Prof. Maddumabandara discussed the role played by vital sections of the armed forces, lawyers and the media in the overall project that facilitated external operations to force Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office. The author failed to question Wickremesinghe’s failure to launch a comprehensive investigation, with the backing of the SLPP, immediately after he received appointment as the President. There seems to be a tacit understanding between Wickremesinghe and the SLPP that elected him as the President not to initiate an investigation. Ideally, political parties represented in Parliament should have formed a Special Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to investigate the developments during 2019 to the end of 2022. Those who had moved court against the destruction of their property, during the May 2022 violence directed at the SLPP, quietly withdrew that case on the promise of a fresh comprehensive investigation. This assurance given by the Wickremesinghe government was meant to bring an end to the judicial process.

When the writer raised the need to investigate external interventions, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) sidestepped the issue. Shame on the so-called independent commission, which shows it is anything but independent.

Sumanthiran’s proposal

Since the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009, the now defunct Tamil National Alliance’s (TNA) priority had been convincing successive governments to withdraw the armed forces/ substantially reduce their strength in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK)-led TNA, as well as other Tamil political parties, Western powers, civil society, Tamil groups, based overseas, wanted the armed forces out of the N and E regions.

Abeywardena also revealed how the then ITAK lawmaker, M.A. Sumanthiran, during a tense meeting chaired by him, in Parliament, also on 13 July, 2022, proposed the withdrawal of the armed forces from the N and E for redeployment in Colombo. The author, without hesitation, alleged that the lawmaker was taking advantage of the situation to achieve their longstanding wish. The then Speaker also disclosed that Chief Opposition Whip Lakshman Kiriella and other party leaders leaving the meeting as soon as the armed forces reported the protesters smashing the first line of defence established to protect the Parliament. However, leaders of minority parties had remained unruffled as the situation continued to deteriorate and external powers stepped up efforts to get rid of both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe to pave the way for an administration loyal and subservient to them. Foreign powers seemed to have been convinced that Speaker Abeywardena was the best person to run the country, the way they wanted, or till the Aragalaya mob captured the House.

The Author referred to the role played by the media, including social media platforms, to promote Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successor. Maddumamabandara referred to the Hindustan Times coverage to emphasise the despicable role played by a section of the media to manipulate the rapid developments that were taking place. The author also dealt with the role played by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the project with the focus on how that party intensified its actions immediately after Gotabaya Rajapaksa stepped down.

Disputed assessment

The Author identified Ministers Bimal Rathnayaka, Sunil Handunetti and K.D. Lal Kantha as the persons who spearheaded the JVP bid to seize control of Parliament. Maddumabanda unflinchingly compared the operation, mounted against Gotabaya Rajapaksa, with the regime change operations carried out in Iraq, Libya, Egypt and Ukraine. Asserting that governments loyal to the US-led Western block had been installed in those countries, the author seemed to have wrongly assumed that external powers failed to succeed in Sri Lanka (pages 109 and 110). That assertion is utterly wrong. Perhaps, the author for some unexplained reasons accepted what took place here. Nothing can be further from the truth than the regime change operation failed (page 110) due to the actions of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Mahinda Yapa Abeywardana and Ranil Wickremesinghe. In case, the author goes for a second print, he should seriously consider making appropriate corrections as the current dispensation pursues an agenda in consultation with the US and India.

The signing of seven Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) with India, including one on defence, and growing political-defence-economic ties with the US, have underscored that the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) may not have been the first choice of the US-India combine but it is certainly acceptable to them now.

The bottom line is that a democratically elected President, and government, had been ousted through unconstitutional means and Sri Lanka meekly accepted that situation without protest. In retrospect, the political party system here has been subverted and changed to such an extent, irreparable damage has been caused to public confidence. External powers have proved that Sri Lanka can be influenced at every level, without exception, and the 2022 ‘Aragalaya’ is a case in point. The country is in such a pathetic state, political parties represented in Parliament and those waiting for an opportunity to enter the House somehow at any cost remain vulnerable to external designs and influence.

Cyclone Ditwah has worsened the situation. The country has been further weakened with no hope of early recovery. Although the death toll is much smaller compared to that of the 2004 tsunami, economic devastation is massive and possibly irreversible and irreparable.

By Shamindra Ferdinando